Rymanowski, Kita: Francja płonie

Lancerto, the fashion brand Ekspertiaaturals.pl, invites you for a stylish conversation featuring your tested, premium dietary supplements with pure ingredients. This is Rymanowski Live. A warm welcome to all of you. My guest is Kacper Kita, a New Order columnist, author of, among other things, the biography of Prime Minister Meloni, the biography of the Lepen family, and the author of this book, "The Age of Chaos, Why the World Turns to the Right." And a man who is an absolute expert on France. A warm welcome to you. I'm glad you stopped by. Thank you very much for the invitation, the kind words, and I'm happy to be here. And today, ladies and gentlemen, we're going to ask some important questions. Firstly, what or who is behind the protests in Paris, Lyon, and Strasbourg? Is France on the brink of civil war? Is this a battle for better schools, or perhaps an explosion of immigrants' hatred for the French state? How is it possible that riots are occurring just days after the success of Leo XIV's pilgrimage? And finally, how to navigate the chaos engulfing us all. Ladies and gentlemen, I'd appreciate your questions for my guest. I'd be grateful for your comments, shares, and subscriptions to my channel. Rymanowski Live's partners are Lancerto, the Polish brand Mod Premium, and the producer of highly mineralized water Cini Muszyna. For over a week, ladies and gentlemen, France has resembled a country engulfed in civil war. Buildings are burning, vehicles are burning, and acts of violence are occurring. A protest by high school students demanding increased education spending has practically escalated into the largest riots in years. Direct attacks on teachers are also occurring. Tell me, what was the spark that ignited France? Theoretically, if we trace it back, it started with the protest in Keteje. This is a town in the famous Parisian suburbs where students were protesting against the large number of vacancies, against problems they had just noticed with their school's facilities, but above all, about those vacancies: the fact that classes were being canceled, that they were learning in, in their opinion, poor conditions; there was no vice-principal. However, a few days later, after this single protest in one school, the matter spread through social media to actions in other schools, where young people organized to block access to those who wanted to participate in classes. And quite quickly, accusations emerged from the French state and government that those organizing these protests, those fueling them, were in part not students themselves, but rather politically engaged individuals who wanted to incite these riots and exploit the students' emotions. And here we have the greatest controversy surrounding the government's announcement, which relied—and this applies to the Paris region, specifically the capital's Ild Hons—on the opinion of the police intelligence unit, which stated that the riots were incited, that they had escalated from peaceful protests by high school students into riots, with clashes between protesters and police. People are also sometimes attacked in the street due to the involvement of Luc Melon's "France Niepokorna" (Unruly France), the Lef Hansen Sumis party (also translated as "France: not Jean"). This is a politician who has run for president in France three times, now for his fourth time. So, you could say, the extreme left. Yes, they are generally defined that way, and I think it will be quite symptomatic for Polish readers that they are generally perceived in France as a party to the left of the Communist Party. Okay, and the leader of this party is a 75-year-old young man. Yes, it is, but he's a young man with a long history. Melon, at the age of 17, participated in the May 1968 uprising in his high school. He, as a young man approaching 20, joined the Trotskyist movement. He was involved in the far left for many years, later joining the Socialist Party as part of this entryism. Long story short, in 2008, after years of being a Socialist politician, one of the two main parties in France alongside the Golists, he split, led the party's left wing, and built his own movement, achieving better results in each subsequent election. Well, in the previous election, he got 11% the first time, then 19.5%, and in the last one, he got 22%, narrowly missing the runoff. Now, polls also give him between 15 and 20 percent, and he is, on the one hand, a representative of the extreme political left, though he will, of course, claim to be on the straight left. On the other hand, he is also largely the political choice of French Muslims. That is, as research shows, in the last presidential election, as many as 69 percent, or over two-thirds, of Muslims voted for Melonchon. No other group, based on religion, income level, age, and so on, is as uniform in its political choices as this particular group. And Melonchon has effectively integrated them more deeply into the electoral cycle. That is, he has ensured that, with each election, their turnout, which was historically rather lower, has now essentially equaled that of Catholics, non-believers, and so on. In other words, what recently happened in Sweden happened in France much earlier. Well, in France, a similar case of a minimal Muslim majority likely occurred in 2012, when François Ląd, then the Socialist candidate and Melanchon's longtime rival within the party, defeated Nikolas Sarkozy and incumbent President Golistowski by a slim margin in the second round. And mathematically, it can also be calculated, given that almost all Muslims voted for Olonda, it's likely that 4.5% of the voters there were enough Muslims to mathematically prove that Olonda won thanks to them. But does the fact that Melanchon seems to support these protests in some political sense, and is he leading them because he defends youth, mean that the majority of the protesting youth are immigrant youth, young people who are Muslim? There are no official data on this, so it wouldn't be fair to decide. It seems that there are various groups among these protesters. We certainly have a large group of young people of immigrant origin, not non-European. They are visible, and they also generally support Melon, as I said. And we can see this even in the available statistics, because, of course, official ethnic statistics are not available. In Keteje, the department of which Kryte is the capital, in 1826, over 30% of newborn males were white with Muslim names, so there's a significant overrepresentation there. It's the third department with the highest such percentage. On the other hand, of course, it wouldn't be right to say that only these are protesting, would it? There's also a large group of French people of European descent, or descendants of European immigrants, who align themselves with these sharply leftist views. And finally, there's the third group, Samelons, and a large portion of his party. It's a conglomerate. That's what's important, that Melon's electorate and his party are diverse. There's, of course, a strong immigrant segment, Muslim, and non-European immigrants in general, but also a strong segment of the indigenous, hard left, a segment of some trade unions, and finally, of course, we have a section of high school students who are simply joining in this protest. However, the government, the narrative of the government and the right wing in France—the government is, let's be honest, centrist—is that there were high school students who wanted to have their own peaceful protest, but it was... For example, two days ago there was a televised debate between the Minister of Education from Macron's government and the secretary of the France of the Unruly, the number two man, Melon, Anuel Bonpard. And there the minister said that he was talking to high school students and that the high school students were saying: "Our movement was stolen from us. We wanted to protest peacefully, to complain that we didn't lik

things, the biography of Prime Minister Meloni, the biography of the Lepen family, and the author of this book, " The Age of Chaos, Why the World Turns to the Right." And a man who is an absolute expert on France. A warm

welcome to you. I'm glad you stopped by . Thank you very much for the invitation, the kind words, and I'm happy to be here. And today, ladies and gentlemen, we're going to ask some important questions. Firstly, what or who is

behind the protests in Paris, Lyon, and Strasbourg? Is France on the brink of civil war? Is this a battle for better schools, or perhaps an explosion of immigrants 'hatred for the French state ? How is it possible that riots are

occurring just days after the success of Leo XIV's pilgrimage? And finally, how to navigate the chaos engulfing us all. Ladies and gentlemen, I'd appreciate your questions for my guest.

I'd be grateful for your comments, shares, and subscriptions to my channel . Rymanowski Live's partners are Lancerto, the Polish brand Mod Premium, and the producer of highly mineralized water Cini Muszyna. For over a week, ladies and gentlemen, France has

resembled a country engulfed in civil war. Buildings are burning, vehicles are burning, and acts of violence are occurring. A protest by high school students demanding increased education spending has practically escalated into the largest riots in years. Direct attacks on teachers are also occurring.

Tell me, what was the spark that ignited France? Theoretically, if we trace it back, it started with the protest in Keteje. This is a town in the famous Parisian suburbs where students were protesting against the large number of vacancies, against

problems they had just noticed with their school's facilities, but above all, about those vacancies: the fact that classes were being canceled, that they were learning in, in their opinion , poor conditions; there was no vice-principal. However, a few days

later, after this single protest in one school, the matter spread through social media to actions in other schools, where young people organized to block access to those who wanted to participate in classes. And quite quickly, accusations emerged from the

French state and government that those organizing these protests, those fueling them, were in part not students themselves, but rather politically engaged individuals who wanted to incite these riots and exploit the students' emotions. And here we have the greatest controversy surrounding

the government's announcement, which relied—and this applies to the Paris region, specifically the capital's Ild Hons—on the opinion of the police intelligence unit, which stated that the riots were incited, that they had escalated from peaceful protests by high school students into riots, with

clashes between protesters and police. People are also sometimes attacked in the street due to the involvement of Luc Melon's "France Niepokorna"(Unruly France), the Lef Hansen Sumis party ( also translated as "France: not Jean").

This is a politician who has run for president in France three times, now for his fourth time.

So, you could say, the extreme left. Yes, they are generally defined that way, and I think it will be quite symptomatic for Polish readers that they are generally perceived in France as a party to the left of the Communist

Party. Okay, and the leader of this party is a 75- year-old young man. Yes, it is, but he's a young man with a long history. Melon, at the age of 17, participated in the May 1968 uprising in his high school. He, as a young man

approaching 20, joined the Trotskyist movement. He was involved in the far left for many years, later joining the Socialist Party as part of this entryism. Long story short, in 2008, after years of being a Socialist politician, one of the two main parties

in France alongside the Golists, he split, led the party's left wing, and built his own movement, achieving better results in each subsequent election. Well, in the previous election, he got 11%the first time, then 19.5%, and in the last one, he got

22%, narrowly missing the runoff. Now, polls also give him between 15 and 20 percent, and he is, on the one hand, a representative of the extreme political left, though he will, of course, claim to be on the straight left. On the

other hand, he is also largely the political choice of French Muslims. That is, as research shows, in the last presidential election, as many as 69 percent, or over two-thirds, of Muslims voted for Melonchon. No other group, based on religion, income level, age,

and so on, is as uniform in its political choices as this particular group. And Melonchon has effectively integrated them more deeply into the electoral cycle. That is, he has ensured that, with each election, their turnout, which was historically rather

lower, has now essentially equaled that of Catholics, non-believers, and so on. In other words, what recently happened in Sweden happened in France much earlier.

Well, in France, a similar case of a minimal Muslim majority likely occurred in 2012, when François Ląd, then the Socialist candidate and Melanchon's longtime rival within the party, defeated Nikolas Sarkozy and incumbent President Golistowski by a slim margin

in the second round. And mathematically , it can also be calculated, given that almost all Muslims voted for Olonda, it's likely that 4.5%of the voters there were enough Muslims to mathematically prove that Olonda won thanks to them. But does the fact that

Melanchon seems to support these protests in some political sense, and is he leading them because he defends youth, mean that the majority of the protesting youth are immigrant youth, young people who are Muslim?

There are no official data on this, so it wouldn't be fair to decide. It seems that there are various groups among these protesters. We certainly have a large group of young people of immigrant origin, not non-European.

They are visible, and they also generally support Melon, as I said. And we can see this even in the available statistics, because, of course, official ethnic statistics are not available. In Keteje, the department of which Kryte is the capital, in 1826,

over 30%of newborn males were white with Muslim names, so there's a significant overrepresentation there.

It's the third department with the highest such percentage. On the other hand, of course, it wouldn't be right to say that only these are protesting, would it? There's also a large group of French people of European descent, or

descendants of European immigrants, who align themselves with these sharply leftist views. And finally, there's the third group, Samelons, and a large portion of his party. It's a conglomerate. That's what's important, that Melon's electorate and his party are diverse. There's, of course, a

strong immigrant segment, Muslim, and non-European immigrants in general, but also a strong segment of the indigenous , hard left, a segment of some trade unions, and finally, of course, we have a section of high school students who are simply joining in this protest.

However, the government, the narrative of the government and the right wing in France—the government is, let's be honest, centrist—is that there were high school students who wanted to have their own peaceful protest, but it was ...For example, two days ago there was

a televised debate between the Minister of Education from Macron's government and the secretary of the France of the Unruly, the number two man, Melon, Anuel Bonpard. And there the minister said that he was talking to high school students and that the high school

students were saying: "Our movement was stolen from us. We wanted to protest peacefully, to complain that we didn't like the education reform that was carried out during Macron's first term, that we would like the curriculum to be different, that we would like the

schools to be better equipped, that we would like to fill the teacher vacancies, but, but the activists who brought violence on us came, right, they stole our movement from us. Of course, on the left side, especially the Melon side, because the French left

is also very diverse internally, although on this issue the majority is in favor of protests, although, with some nuances, emphasizing Melon also theoretically supports open violence, right? He denies the accusation that he is leading the protests. He had this

funny statement that this would probably be the first protest carried out using telepathy, because I didn't call them to protests, they started it themselves, right? And they claim that even if it happens Acts of violence are the responsibility of individuals, and

each individual should be judged individually. But the main cause, the main culprit, is the government, which does not listen to the youth, does not care about their financial situation. I understand. Speaking of the people of Melancho, Bali Bagajoko—I don't know

if I'm pronouncing his name correctly —is the mayor of Saint Denis, near Paris, right? He comes from a family of Malian immigrants and is a member of the Melancho party. He openly admitted that a certain amount of violence is

justified in the current situation. Yes, this is Bagajoko's statement, which is causing great controversy, and which has been all over the French media in recent days. He means— exactly—he went to the school in his city and there, before, and there, he

went to those protesters, who greeted him generally kindly, and told them that if, if possible, if violence can be avoided, then one should try to avoid it, but there are situations in which violence is justified. And of course, this phrase is deeply discussed

and taken to task. There were demands to introduce this, and he reported it. It's a funny situation in France right now, because there's such competition between mayors. In March, we had local elections, and in some cities, far-right forces won. The largest such

city was Nice, where Erik Cuti, the National Rally coalition, won. On the other hand, there's Bagajoku, who is the mayor of the largest city, where the Melonzónists won. And while Bagajoko won precisely on slogans of such far-leftist policies, but also,

for example, partial disarmament of the police, disarmament of the police, yes, local police, saying that police, racist police violence is the problem.

On the other hand, Cot won at home in Nice, in the city, well, the fifth largest in France, much larger, on the slogan: tough order, ruthlessness towards criminals, a typical sheriff.

And he invited those policemen, who will now be disarmed by Bagajoko, in fact. They are denito, he invites them to his place in Nice. There, they then made a show of several policemen coming there. Now the same CT, his party in

Nice, are the Lepenists 'coalition partners, the naked ones who have voted for cooperation with Lepen. CT has just announced a project to punish with imprisonment public officials who call for violence. Bagajoko, of course.

So here we are dealing with such fierce contestation. Bagajoko has become a certain symbol also because he is a descendant of immigrants, because he is the mayor of Sądeni, a city that is extremely, extremely symbolic. Why?

Because historically, it is this city that, as the name suggests, commemorates the saint who was the one who converted the inhabitants of this area back then, right, 1700 years ago.

He was the first Parisian martyr, and that is where the kings of France were buried in the city. There, too, of course, during the Great Revolution, we had the desecration of these Corpses by revolutionaries. And today they are.

First, for years, it was a typically working-class district outside Paris, where communists and socialists were strong, for example. But over the last few decades, it has become an area where, as statistics show, the highest percentage of Muslims is. And well, the

percentage of boys with Muslim names is around 60%. And what does it look like across France? Can we talk about the latest data on Muslims, followers of Islam?

What percentage of the French population is that today? Of course, we don't have official statistics, but when it comes to the entire population, it's estimated at between 7 and 9%. However, we must remember that it varies greatly, and

we're talking strictly about Muslims. We must remember that this immigrant population is very large. Firstly, there's a significant difference between the oldest and youngest age groups. And those who are—well, it's obvious that there are significantly more of them among the youngest, right?

Among the entire country, because we can see the names, so after all. Names, well, 25%of boys born now have Muslim names. And of course, the older the birth cohorts, the lower this percentage. More widely, there are statistics compiled by the so-called

Immigration and Demography Observatory, a rather right-wing institution critical of immigration, which estimates that of the entire French population, 72%are of French origin, 14 %are of non-European origin. However, when it comes to children, the statistics are also more rigorous. In

2023, 30%had a parent born outside the European Union. Remember, there will also be older immigration, meaning immigration whose grandparents have already arrived. And it is estimated that, depending on the scenario, right?

Well, this observatory estimates that around 2045, the majority of children could be of non-European origin, so in 20 years, right? Or, in the entire population, around 2070, while maintaining the current level of immigration.

Let's return to the reasons for this protest. What is the truth? Are these high school students really functioning and learning in terrible conditions? No , not terrible, not terrible either.

However, the fact is that the reform Emmanuel Macron introduced in his first term, the reform of Minister Blonker, who changed the way teaching hours work , caused considerable controversy. This means that instead of uniform, classic courses within a specific class,

individual students choose their specializations and cycle through them. That is, they have this core component, and they have this component, depending on the specialized subject they choose.

The idea is to strongly profile people during general secondary school. And because of this, a large number of children have, well, sometimes significant gaps in their day, and this evokes certain emotions. That's one specific thing that can be said.

Secondly, there is a fundamental question about the state of France's finances and the cuts among teachers.

Indeed. Well, these are the statistics the protesters are citing: that around one, half of the schools are, right? If there are any, there are staff shortages, there are vacancies. And generally, it's a fact that, along with the gradual decline in the number of

children, France has a higher birth rate than Poland, but it's also falling , and with the high level of debt in recent years, there have been partial job cuts. And of course, there are accusations that, on the one hand,

teachers are being treated badly, which is where the trade unions come in, and on the other, students—that classes are too large, that there are classes, that they want more teachers. However, of course, the biggest argument in the eyes of those who reject these

narratives is not where the Nelson Mandela High School burned down. That also caused quite a stir. The high school was clearly newly renovated, into which millions of euros were invested, and which even had a symbolic patron, right, an African one, and one

that was rather progressive. And yet, it was set on fire, and in In the coming months, there will be remote learning. The day before yesterday, the Minister of Education declared that 24 schools had been set on fire or looted,

and under 500 had been closed due to a threat assessment. Meanwhile, just over 1,000 of the 3,700 secondary schools were affected by all kinds of protests.

But it can be said that these data show that the scale of these protests is enormous, nationwide. Yes. Yes, yes, yes, undoubtedly. It's also varied, of course, but these are certainly very large protests. So, I understand, large cities dominate.

Yes, yes. However, we also see that this is not limited to Paris and the surrounding area, and we see that it is also partially spilling over to bystanders. Yes. There was that very high-profile situation in Marseille, that very high-profile video where a

woman was walking past a high school bus stop. She pointed out to a masked teenager who was in the process of destroying a bus stop that maybe, maybe he shouldn't do it, so he...She literally told the police later," You

can go and protest peacefully. "And he shot her with a flammable spray, which burned her.

Another symbolic scene. I saw a photo of a firefighter burning, probably trying to put out the fire, and behind him stood a group of a dozen or so masked teenagers filming the firefighter.

Yes, it's true. Instead of helping him, because he's fighting for his life. Yes, this photo was very symbolic. It was also making a big splash in the right-wing infosphere in France, some even called it a symbol of what will happen to us if we don't

change the course of our country. Many commented on it. And indeed, here we see that the police are serving more as a law enforcement agency, and this is stirring up a lot of emotions. We already have almost 1,000 injured among

policemen, gendarmes, officers. We also have 80 or so injured teachers and school staff, 34 of whom were among those who were among those who were injured yesterday. The injured were principals or deputies, so the management staff, one might say, were

also targeted, at least some of them. And we also had over 200 injured students themselves. The Ministry of Education and the government declare that most of the perpetrators, those who use violence, not those who protest , are not students. However, on the

other hand, 80-90%of those arrested are juveniles, right? For example, the man who burned that woman in Marseille, a 40-year-old woman, a care worker, and he was 15.5 years old, so he was indeed a juvenile. And of course, on the one

hand, he has been responsible since he was 13, but not to the full extent, right?

On the other hand, yesterday, I think a 15-year-old lost his arm in a stun grenade explosion during clashes between protesters and police. So, it's natural that in such situations of violence, both sides are injured. And what does it look like from the

teachers' perspective? Is what's happening now, that is, these Direct attacks on teacher directors, is that something exceptional? Were teachers living under a lot of stress in these schools? Because I have a quote here from the director, former Director

General of Education, Jean Pierre Oba, who three years ago allegedly said that as many as 100,000 French teachers had experienced violence from their students—honestly, I don't know if it's likely—and he goes on to say that in the country's educational

institutions, there was an alliance of students with far-left sympathies and young people of foreign origin, forcing teachers to remain silent on controversial issues under threat of violence. Did he exaggerate? Was that really the case?

Well, I don't have better access to statistics than he does, because he was the one in a high-ranking position.

However, it certainly seems to me that, to be honest, teachers are quite divided, because there is also a large group of teachers with traditionally strong leftist sympathies who support this protest.

Yes, there is such a group of teachers. However, the problem of student violence against teachers is certainly a discussed issue. The most high-profile such case was In 2020, when Samuel Pati was murdered. It was a situation in which a social studies

teacher, to use our language, showed a caricature of the Prophet Muhammad during a lesson, and as part of a debate about the limits of freedom, freedom of speech versus religious sensitivity. And it spread online among Muslims, because some parents were

outraged that their children had seen something like that. And soon after, a Chechen, who had the right to reside in France, but was not a student at that school, came to the school and beheaded him. And it was a very public affair.

President Macron declared at the time that he would start a war in the name of enlightenment. Samuel Pati was buried with honors, and so on. And since then, it has also been clear that among teachers and their missions, the

topic is very popular. Also, because historically, teachers, schools in general were supposed to be, are supposed to be, in France all along, the idea of such a republican school is very strongly rooted. What does this mean? It means that the school has not

only To teach, in the sense of imparting honest knowledge or skills, but the school is supposed to be the educator of values. This is a very strongly Enlightenment paradigm, which became very strong in France at the end of the 19th century, when, to put it

simply, after the resignation of President McMahon in 1879, the French authorities were permanently taken over by precisely those left-wing, progressive forces that built, that wanted to dechristianize French society from above. And the school, like, for example, seizing church property,

expelling priests from universities, taking away church property, changing street names, and so on, were various tools for changing identity in this secular, revolutionary-progressive spirit. And the minister at the time, who was the face of this, called teachers the Black Hussars of the

Republic, meaning those who would carry these progressive values, teach independent thinking, rationalism, and eradicate, right, religious superstition. And, theoretically, the idea of the French political establishment was The idea is that these kinds of Laidian values will also be adopted en masse by students of

non-European immigrant origin, and that schools will also educate them in the spirit of a secular state, of leaving one's religious beliefs within the confines of one's home. However, today, there are increasing doubts as to whether this has been successful. If we

look at the statistics regarding so-called desecularization, that is, the younger Muslims in France, the higher their level of attachment to their own religion, attachment to Sharia, the belief that various conservative religious views, the belief that religion can be a better

source of truth than science, and so on . And that's true, they both have a higher level of religiosity than their parents, but also than younger Muslims a dozen or so years ago. It's growing.

We've been keeping these statistics for decades now, so, um, so year by year, we can simply say that Islamization is progressing.

Certainly. This applies here. We can really understand two things by the concept of Islamization. Firstly, the percentage of Muslims in France is growing. And also, without, without, as it were, it's not a novel yet, as in, as in, in submission, right? But this

percentage is certainly growing. And secondly, among young people, as if within the Muslim community, as the saying goes, we have a higher percentage of those attached to their religious identity, meaning the opposite process is occurring than presented. That the truth is, these

young people here will choose the pleasures of life, material prosperity, right? That's precisely the kind of testimony. Something is happening, something opposite is happening, and the state is unable to stop it. On top of that, of course, there are all the

issues, all the economic and social issues, because... Well, what is the situation of these immigrant youth, these Muslim youth from the suburbs of Paris and the suburbs of large French cities? Can we say that they are in a very difficult

financial situation? What really happens to them when they finish high school? Well, it varies greatly. However, what can be said, what can be said, what can be said? It's that the French state has tried to create various support

programs over the years. We have an extensive welfare state, aimed precisely at introducing these people into the ecosystem. And some of it is, of course, being introduced, right? I mean, what's interesting is how we compare the level of religiosity among

people and compare what it looked like, how it developed over the course of a dozen or so years—these are statistics from a book by a French demographer, Michel Tribala, which I refer you to if anyone's interested. If you divide it into four classes based

on standard of living and socioeconomic class, those who are best off—the worse off people of Muslim origin, the higher the level of religiosity growth.

So for those who are less well off, religious identity is certainly a source of escape, a source of self-affirmation. You see, here I am persecuted by racist France, but also, but we see that among everyone, regardless of how well they are doing,

there is an increase. Over the years. However, it is undoubtedly the highest among those who are doing worse. And of course, they are very different, right?

Well, we have people, we have people of immigrant origin who are reaching high levels in French society. Although, let's say, we had, for example, one of the previous ministers of education, yes, who was also such a high-profile, high-profile case, although he didn't

last long in office at all. It's a certain problem that in this second term of Macron, if we look at it, there is already the seventh minister of education since 2002. This is this is this is this is absurd.

Three prime ministers. Yes, more, more, because it's like Elizabeth Bn, then Gabriela Tale, Michelle Barnie, Frano Bajru, Sebastian Lekurniu, the fifth.

The fifth. Poland is an oasis of stability. Poland is an oasis of stability in this respect. Yes, definitely. And going back to those careers, yes, young people of immigrant origin, just look at French sport, for example the national football team.

Yes. And this There are great careers. Well, in sports, certainly. In sports, certainly. In sports, there are sometimes accusations that these white Frenchmen, right, don't pursue such careers and that the national team isn't, let's say, representative. They are discriminated against.

Yes, but there are, I mean, there are, there are such theories in some right-wing circles in France that, yes, there is an internal selection, yes, but on the other hand, there is also a fact that, yes, the previous coach of

the French national team was DDR The Show, right? But what else is there, perhaps to say in the context of this sport—well, here we also see that these very—it's good that you mentioned it, because for decades, these sports stars were precisely such

symbols of this very success for people of non-European origin. When France won the 1998 FIFA World Cup, the national team, which included many people of non-European descent, was a symbol of that success. Similarly, when France won the World Cup in 2018, right, after

the final against Croatia, Emmanuel Macron had only been in office for a year, still young, fresh, and handsome, rejoicing there, right, in the stadium.

And even then, it was presented as an example of success. And here, too, these athletes express themselves in different ways, right? Because on the one hand, we see, we see, Mbappe, right , a very famous footballer, an icon at

that moment, right? On the other hand, during the previous riots in 2023, after the death of a 17-year-old of Arab descent shot by a policeman, also in such controversial circumstances, the policeman wanted him to do it, the policeman on a motorcycle, the young

Arab in the car. He wanted him to open the car for him, to show him what was inside, to see if he had any weapons.

He didn't want to stop, he drove away. The policeman decided he might be threatening his life because he didn't want to show he wasn't armed. So he shot him, right? And huge protests erupted. Then it turned out that this

young man was actually connected to, say, a drug trafficking community. He had some previous offenses, even though he was obviously a minor, right? And every human death is always a great tragedy. And it's understandable that it stirs such emotions. And here too,

it must be said, the French police can be very harsh. We've seen this, for example, in the context of being said to be one of the most brutal police forces in Europe.

Yes. So here too, it must be said that various difficult situations like these certainly occur, and here too, the opinions are extremely divergent, right ? There are people who, well, we had a famous story, for example, during the

yellow vest protests, yes, with a young girl whose eye was gouged out, whose eye was gouged out by a police bullet.

She later became a symbol of police violence, and stories like these, or what you mentioned about the hand, also evoke strong emotions. This means that the conviction of police violence is certainly an important element of the political narrative of the French left

and the identity of young people, especially those of immigrant origin. Returning to Mbappe, on the one hand, after several days of riots, Mbappe called on them to stop the violence, saying it was senseless. On the other hand, he also spoke out politically

against the National Rally on several occasions. He even had a rhetorical ping-pong match with Jordan Bardela during the 1924 election, when Mbappe also called for a second round of voting against the nationalist candidates. And Bardela, in turn, attacked him, saying that he was, in

fact, a self-absorbed millionaire who didn't have the same problems as the average Frenchman and who projected his situation onto the lives of others. And we also had another interesting example in recent days, when a lesser-known figure, but quite recognizable in

France, Terry Riner (a multiple-time Olympic judo champion), also spoke publicly, saying that any, any problems in schools, whatever they are, deserve to be heard, but violence must be unequivocally rejected, and that violence, that he himself, being Black and so on, is present here, right? He

kind of wanted to be a representative that you can be successful, you can work, no, that violence is not a solution to these people's material problems. And emotions. But then again, these athletes are very different people and evoke different emotions.

Emotions are also present in Poland, because there are so many comments, very radical opinions in both directions. I'll quote you what Professor Jan Żaryn, former head of the Roman Dmowski Institute, said.

Young French thugs called students are beating up their teacher in the street and setting a firefighter on fire because he's putting out fires they started. This is a quote, so these aren't my words. A migrant savage who refuses to learn. Let's show solidarity

with the teachers who tried to make them people worthy of staying in beautiful, beautiful France. Would you use such words?

These are very strong words from Professor Żeryn, but I think they are understandable from the perspective of someone who, as a teacher myself, I imagine, although an academic, can sympathize, especially seeing such statistics. Yes, a situation in which

teachers are injured—and these aren't just isolated cases, but we have 80- something people there—I think it evokes strong emotions. Well, both are understandable; this is not a normal situation, because undoubtedly, acts of violence are occurring, which should not be happening. Yes.

And how are the polls distributed? Because you could say that this whole radicalization favors two groups. On the one hand, Marine Le Pen's party, and on the other, Jean Lic Melanschon's far-left party. What about the normal French, what about the abnormal ones?

Are there any polls on this yet? We've had two interesting polls. One, uh, on whether politicians who encourage violence should be prosecuted. Here, a very clear majority of 83%believe it should be prosecuted, only 16%believe it shouldn't be. So even among voters

of rebellious France, it was 50-50, 49-49. Even among other parties, it's a clear, clear advantage. So I think Bagajako doesn't have a clear majority on his side, but he doesn't need a majority on his side either. I was

talking about this archipelagization, about this fragmentation of, as it were , individual parts of the country into entities with different ethnic, religious, and political identities.

Bagajako represents a specific city. It's a mess, if we look at the eight mayors from France, rebelliously elected in Marseille. All but one of them are of immigrant, non-European origin, so that's also very clear. And the one who doesn't have one is also a

funny story, quite symptomatic. I'll get back to the second poll in a moment . A guy who, with the son of a long-time socialist local government official from the left, moderate left, and who himself, when he became a

politician, shifted his focus to the fight against Islamophobia, the fight against Israel, various statements that are interpreted by some as anti-Semitic . And of course, the emphasis on representing these persecuted Muslims is essential. And he also became mayor

of a major city. The second, let's say communitarian, aspect is also quite apparent. Well, Melon's slogan, which he officially uses, is creolization. He himself spoke of the fact that by 2050, most of France will be mesified, metis, meaning mixed. He took up this

coalition slogan in the previous elections, claiming that there has never been such a thing as a cohesive French nation, ethnically or religiously cohesive, but that it has always been a conglomerate, and that France is such a nation, an idea, and

therefore the large-scale influx of immigrants, which he most desires, is a natural process that is transforming France, which is, in fact, naturally French. He also, he also openly invokes the slogan of the so-called new France.

Or, for example, when he appears in these suburbs, saying:" You are the new French people. "Right? And this rhetoric is very harsh, deliberately intended to provoke, as you said, the nationalists, in order to set up such a duel,

because he wins. Yes, because he's winning in the sense that while the French Nationalists are currently assured of a place in the second round, Marine Le Pen is polling between 30 and 38%in every poll, and she will definitely come out on top in

the second round. Remember, the elections are coming soon, on April 18th. There's a fierce battle for a spot alongside her in the second round, and while most polls until recently had one of Emmanuel Macron's former prime ministers, Edward Philippe, in first

place, in recent weeks Melonch has clearly begun to catch up. And Melonch, historically, because he's run three times already, we see that he always polls higher, and in the elections, he always polls higher than in the polls.

So, on the one hand, he's the figure who, well, maybe alongside Eric Zemua, has the highest level of negative voters today, but on the other hand, he has a base of dedicated supporters, and he's counting on him being the figure

in France's speeches—a divisive figure who focuses emotions, one who will have to say for or against him, that he'll make it to the second round, and in the second round—yes, that's right, the anti-fascist front. And another interesting poll shows how his

actions are being received. Do you think LFI France defiantly exploits the high school students 'protests for its own political purposes? 55%yes, 28%no.

So, the majority...the majority thinks so. There's also that 20-odd percent that's on Melanchon's side, and he's got that 20-odd percent, or at least he thinks he's not, and he wants to squeeze that 20-odd percent out of Melanchon to get to the second round.

Because for him, with the low entry threshold, that's probably enough for him, given the disintegration of everything, the entire broadly defined center between him, Pen.

So, in essence, we're in a phase of decline for French centrist parties. Everything points to the fact that if nothing changes, Marine Le Pen and Jean Lick Melanchon will face each other in the second round. And I'd like to

return to what these young people from these immigrant suburbs, from these high schools, these people protesting in the streets of France today, think about France itself, about the French state. To what extent do they identify with this state? I'm asking on purpose,

because last week, you could see videos of young people demonstrating with Palestinian or Algerian flags. Yes, the Palestinian flag has become a totem pole for a large portion of these people. And it's certainly true that since October 7th, which is practically

the year of our anniversary, since the Hamas attack, for the last three years, the topic of Gaza, the topic of the crimes in Gaza, has become an absolutely fundamental issue. Melonch and a significant portion of the French left, but above all, he embraces it as

a banner. For example, in France, this topic receives more media coverage than the war in Ukraine. Just as we know for purely geographical reasons, so here, the issue of bidding wars on whether this is genocide. And Menoszum, of

course, emphasizes genocide at every turn, imposing sanctions on Israel, and this is a topic he constantly, constantly talks about. And indeed, these young people, especially those of Muslim descent, are very anti-Israel.

It's a key element of their identity, and these Palestinian flags are an expression of that. On the other hand, a significant portion of young people, just like in Poland, who see these videos on social media have also shifted to a position of strong

hostility towards Israel. And in France , the topic of the Jewish community still present there is also a lively discussion. For example, Melonon's main rival in this election on the left, in this fight for the primacy of the left,

Rafael Glücksman, has an interesting story himself. He is also of Jewish descent. His grandfather was born in our region in what is now Ukraine. Back then, it was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in Bukovina, in the 19th century. He served in the

Austro-Hungarian army during World War II. He then emigrated to Palestine as a socialist Zionist. There, he converted to communist positions, joined the Palestinian Communist Party, became a Comintern agent, and went to Germany, where he essentially spied on Germans.

Then, for example, he was involved in arms smuggling to Spain during the civil war on the communist side. In 1940, he was captured by the British and later as a Soviet spy. And he died, as if on a ship that was supposed to be

deported to Canada, which was torpedoed by the Germans. Why do I mention this? Because later, his son, Onry Luksman, first became a landlord himself, a communist, a Maoist, and so on, a participant in May 1968. He gradually shifted to anti-Soviet positions, first

a Maoist, then a true Maoist, then a fully anti-communist one. He was one of the first leftists to criticize communism. There, he popularized Solzhenitsyn, and so on. Later, he was one of the first people to criticize Putin in France, precisely those

progressive intellectuals, even during the war in Chechnya in 1999. His son, Rafael Glücksman, is now Melon's second rival figure. So what? And of course they're wrong, and who himself is such a democracy advocate, who was, for example, an advisor to Saakashvili

in Georgia for three years, went to the Maidan, and in turn, fighting Putin in the name of democracy and calling for a federal Europe is the core of his identity, right? And we have characters like that. I wanted to show this

background, because it tells us a lot. And the Sorry Melon Show. Melon, of course, a few months ago, was making fun of how the name Gliksman should be pronounced, right? And how should the name Epstein, or Epstein, or Epstein,

be pronounced? And of course, that was immediately interpreted as suggesting, well, it's a Jewish surname, right?

That it isn't, that he will say that, of course, but I didn't say it's a Jewish surname. But everyone knows what I mean, right? And then, of course, Glukman, but also a large part of the left—everyone condemned him for that,

because here, right, he's playing on anti-Semitism. But these kinds of trips play a role, and also for these young people, for whom, uh, the Palestinian issue, especially if they're Muslim themselves, are fundamental identity issues. Well, for them, these kinds of

trips, especially since Gliksman won't say later that he obviously condemns, condemns Israel's crimes, but no, but he won't say genocide, right? And they will, right, attack him because, you see, that's exactly what he is, that's what we're fighting against: a

globalist, a Zionist, and so on. And this kind of rhetoric has become a very important part of their identity for some of these young people. And on the other hand, of course, we've had those Algerian and Moroccan flags before,

right? It's certainly an interesting phenomenon that some people who don't have experience living somewhere like Algeria or Morocco, because their parents or grandparents came to work in France, choose this identity partially, even more strongly. And of course, they

also partially try to connect it with this French-republican identity. The leftist argument, to show that these are truly young patriots, was that when Bagajako arrived, they sang La Marseillaise together—a song, right, a national anthem, right? But of course

, it has its specific context. La Marseillaise is also a national anthem, but was it a national anthem introduced when? At the end of the 19th century, when I was speaking as part of replacing that Christian identity. It's

such a revolutionary anthem. And of course, they see themselves as young revolutionaries marching against a bloody tyrant, just like in La Marseillaise. And when they say they're on the side of the republic, they understand that this is the debate on

the French left: has the republic stalled at the stage of, say, a miteronda, a welfare state, a secular and secular school, and so on? Should France, in the name of this universal republican mission, go further, affirming the influx of immigrants with

their own identity, and also allowing a partial return of religion to the public space? Just like Melonch, for example, and these young people are doing right now. Some of them mention the reinstatement of the abaya, a garment, Muslim attire, which was

banned by one of Macron's governments in the last three years, in '23, precisely in the name of a secular school. And now they want to reinstate the abaya so that it could be worn. It was also banned in the name of this

rigorous secular state, in the name of this war, in the name of enlightenment. On the one hand, we have Melonchon, but on the other, we have Marine Le Pen.

Will all the events we've been witnessing in recent days, in the last week, pave her path to power? It's certainly beneficial for her. It's certainly beneficial for her. Marine Le Pen, about whom I also wrote a book, just as you kindly mentioned. She wants

me to show you, because that's precisely what this book, The Saga of the Le Pen Family, is all about. Ladies and gentlemen, I highly recommend this book . Yes, I'm writing about the entire history of the Front National.

Essentially, it's a combined biography of Jean-Marie Le Pen's father and Marine Le Pen as his daughter and as a politician who has taken over his legacy. And undoubtedly, these protests are very convenient for Marine Le Pen.

Because at this moment, they suit her. They suit her because they focus public attention on the issue that is hers: security, immigration, order in the streets. And she reacted to another shocking video, in which these protesting teenagers were chasing a policewoman. She fell,

and was kicked. She expressed solidarity with the police and demanded that the perpetrators of this act of violence be punished.

Yes, that's interesting. Because historically, French nationalists have also had very different attitudes towards the police, who often clubbed their demonstrations. But in recent years, they've been trying, precisely as part of this notion of civilization, to become more civilized. Yes.

Yes. Marine Le Pen wanted the National Rally to represent the party of order. For example, she also ran for office in the last European elections, and today he became one of the party's most vocal politicians. He also became one of its

spokesmen in the context of these protests. Matthew Val, himself a former police officer, was very active in police organizations. And today we have the first discussion. You see these brave people here being pelted with materials, fireworks there, and bricks

thrown at them by these thugs, these savages. They are defending our order. Only we can restore order in France.

This is their narrative today. The National Rally is clearly taking our banner, uh, that we have, that Macron promised there would be no chaos. We've had 10 years of Macron, 10 years of chaos, but we can, we can stop this

chaos. This is very important, because if we look at Marine Le Pen's electorate, I recently saw an interesting study by political scientist Pascale Perino, who first published an entire book on how the National Front captured a large portion

of the working-class electorate, which historically tended to vote for socialists due to disillusionment with globalization and deindustrialization, just like in other Western countries.

Rison, of course, also discussed competition with immigrants for jobs and wages. And the National Front, he did a lot of interviews with these people there. If we look at it, there were actually three phases. There's the base that the National Front had, yes,

which Marine Le Pen took over in 2011 when she adopted Zrákowic's party. Later, she added a huge number of voters, uh, dominated by people from smaller towns who were less well-off, specifically workers, farmers, and so on. Of course, they were in the

majority; it's not like they made up 90 %, but they were statistically overrepresented, and because of that, she entered from a 15%level. In each subsequent election, she gets a better result. Uh, in the last one, in which Związek ran, they had 33, and in the

second round, well, she...her father was 18, he lost to Sirak alone. She then had 34, in...the second round, 41.5. And when it comes to the number of MPs, well, she first had zero when she took over the party, then two, then

, oh, or two, then, because there was one, one woman, then nine, 88, and in the last election, 143, support number 1, and Perinot showed that we have it, that the third phase has entered. That means voters who, in how to divide them

statistically in 2017, 22 hadn't yet voted for LEPEN, but voted in 24, i.e., in the last snap election. For a change , there, people who are slightly older, slightly better off, slightly better educated predominate. What does this mean? It means that while Marine Le

Pen's problem was that this better-off electorate primarily votes for either the classic center-right, the Golistas, or for Macron. And it was often the prevailing wisdom that Marine Leep Pen would never become president because retirees would never vote for her,

because retirees want stability, peace, a monthly transfer, not some kind of chaos and radicalism, right? And retirees voted overwhelmingly not for Lepen, not for Monson, but for Macron.

Macron wouldn't have made it to the second round without voters over 60, according to opinion polls, because he was third among younger voters, but he had a very large following among retirees. They constitute over 30%of the electorate, and only in recent

years has Marine Le Pen, through a partial refinement of her economic narrative, but also by presenting herself in a less pronounced social direction, but also—though of course also without abandoning it—presenting herself as the party of order, and thirdly, by countering Melonchon,

claiming that Melon is the dangerous radical, the guy who will destroy the economy and cause street riots. Today, she is able to attract more and more voters who previously voted for the center-right or even Macron, but who say," Okay, we gave Macron a chance. He

had two terms, he failed, oh well, only Lepen can stop the far left. "This is her rhetoric today.

And where is Emmanuel Macron today? Including everyone in this whole situation? During all these protests, Emmanuel Macron, well, today, well, at this moment, I think it was in the Élysée Palace, convened, summoned his , his ministers after today's

demonstrations, the so-called third act of these demonstrations, as the organizers called it. Emmanuel Macron is undoubtedly in a difficult situation . He is a president who stayed, gained power as a politician who was supposed to, was supposed to reconcile, was

supposed to redefine the French political system. Because he himself came from, or was actually only a member of the Socialist Party for three years, and then he left as a minister, he was supposed to reconcile, he was supposed to build a great, strong

center against radicalism, against Leep Penim Melon. However, in 2017, he also received a very strong social mandate, and it seemed that he was precisely he who was portrayed then, because he became president a few months after Trump, as the liberal anti-Trump, the

hope of Europe, the bulwark against populism. Today, however, we see that after almost nine and a half years, Benim Melona are stronger than ever before, and the French parliament is the most fractured it has been since the Fifth Republic, lacking any

majorities, either right-wing, center-wing, or left-wing. Emmanuel Macron's camp is also significantly unstable. We currently have two competing presidential candidates, two different prime ministers. Neither wants Macron's support. Both say they will be the ones to correct what Emmanuel Macron left behind. No one

wants to be the continuation candidate because he is simply unpopular. We also have what is probably a major image problem for him today: the state of public finances. Because Emmanuel Macron came to power as Minister of Finance and Economy for years, he

prefers someone who will be able to be a social liberal who will certainly reconcile the expectations of a welfare state with certain improvements, technological innovations, optimization of state operations, and increase economic growth. He was supposed to be this efficient corporate manager. After

all, he worked in the banking sector, right? And today we see that, unfortunately, after his two terms, the deficit remains high. France is also subject to excessive deficit procedures , and above all, public debt has grown enormously, right? Meaning, when he

became president, it was 99%of GDP; today it's 119, so 20 points higher. In 2007, before the financial crisis, France was at the same debt level as Germany—64%. Today, however, France has jumped to almost 120%, while Germany is still facing its own

decision to start taking on more debt. At the beginning of last year, they were still in the 60s, but the processes remained, maintaining their debt-to-GDP ratio. France has almost doubled. And of course, this is also being exploited by Macron, and by,

excuse me, Le Pen, and Melon, because there's always been a narrative that these populists, right-wing and left-wing, are irresponsible, they'll destroy the economy, there won't be money for their irresponsible ideas.

And today they're saying that Macron was in power and the state was inefficient. And we, well, it won't get any worse, and we'll be the ones trying to restore the economy after Macron, right? Of course, Macron will say that

he spent that money, right, on various protective measures during the pandemic , that it was necessary to sustain economic growth, and so on. But the issue of debt is undoubtedly present today, and above all, it's politically more difficult, more difficult, for

this broad center, this better-off, better-educated older electorate that wants stability, to convince them that he will provide that stability. You're watching Rymanowski Live. My guest is Kacper Kita, a New Deal columnist and author of the book" Epoch of Chaos. "

Why is the world turning to the right? I'd like to ask you all for your questions, your comments, and, of course, to subscribe to my channel.

We'll continue this French thread in a moment. We'll also talk about Leo XIV's pilgrimage, but I'll also ask my guest whether the situation in France might somehow impact us, Poland, and Poles.

But before that, a very important piece of information, and I'd like you to share it with me. Yes, I'd like to sincerely ask you to support Mrs.

Agnieszka Czarnecka, a young mother who was diagnosed with cancer during pregnancy and learned she had cancer.

Fortunately, despite the poor prognosis , she managed to save her child. However, she herself, at this moment, simply wanting to live for her newborn son, Wojtek, needs funds for treatment and therapy. And I'd like to sincerely ask you, because this is a story that

has also moved me, to support a young mother, simply because I'm a young father myself. This is truly something, I think, worthy of support, even if only with a small amount.

Absolutely. So, the most important information: where can you support her, how? And you can do it on the zrzutka.pl website. Let's repeat the name again.

Agnieszka Czarnecka. Agnieszka Czarnecka. I encourage you to help. This is a very important and worthy of support.

Perhaps we can post a link there somewhere? We'll put the link under this conversation. So, returning to Paris, returning to France, there's a man named Professor Pendelon. If I'm reading that name correctly, he's a lecturer—yes, George Pandelon, an

academic and also a lawyer at the International Criminal Court in The Hague. He generally believes that France has entered a spiral of constant urban guerrilla warfare, and he claims that things are so bad that there's no time for half-measures, and what

matters is a philosophical and political rebuilding of power. Without this, Europe, and France in particular, will no longer be a land of light, but a dark theater of its own decline. And it's interesting what he writes next.

We are at a critical juncture where power can no longer be negotiated but must be imposed, where punishment must once again become exemplary and immediate. Law exists only because it is backed by force, and such force, when legal, must be merciless towards

those who challenge it. Is this a foreshadowing of what will happen if Marine Le Pen takes power in next year's presidential elections? Can we say whether we can expect the French state to be even more assertive and to

expand into the suburbs of large cities ? This is, of course, a great mystery, because Marine Le Pen has never governed even at the regional level.

The maximum they have is a city of 120,000, but local governments clearly have limited powers. Undoubtedly, a fundamental challenge for the Lepenists , also in line with the expectations of their electorate, will be to attempt to resolve this problem. And here, one can

imagine various scenarios. There will certainly be a willingness to hold a referendum on this issue, which would redefine migration policy. We have a draft of it from 2022, published before the campaign. This year, or for this election, no such draft has been

officially published yet, but we can expect it to be something along similar lines, and we have a lot of things there. Among other things, the abolition of land law to limit access to citizenship. We have a constitutional provision that the

president is obligated to ensure security, including against the influx of immigration policies that could pose a threat to social cohesion. We have, uh, we have, uh, to, uh, easier loss of citizenship for actions that, uh, uh, blatantly contradict France's national

interest. So, that's a rather broad definition. We have, and discussed in this community, the issue of establishing a special service that would handle efficient deportations, a kind of French ICE. Yes, that's what's being discussed. Of course, there's no hard

and fast plan here. They could also, of course, try to operate based on existing services. We also have, of course, declarations of radical restrictions on both legal and illegal immigration, and efforts to deport all those illegally residing on French

territory. Naturally, the question will always be about effectiveness. And what will be the reaction of these immigrant youth to such moves if they do occur?

Yes, indeed. Some believe that Melon's actions, assuming they are Melonson's, are intended, in addition to building him up politically before the second round, to demonstrate that his circle will be able to set France on fire if Lepen wins. His plan is to try to enter

the second round against Lepen. He will likely lose. Polls put Lepen around 65% against him, as he is perceived as much more radical than she is at this point.

But assuming he could get to, I think, under 40%, he would have a chance, but he would almost certainly lose, although he will certainly try to win.

And so, from being the leader of the opposition, having just lost in the second round, he also becomes the leader of a social movement, a fierce challenge to the fascist rule in France . They're taking to the streets, young

people are protesting. He obviously says he only supports peaceful protests , but on the other hand, he understands that the government is truly responsible, not those throwing Molotov cocktails or stones. And that will be very interesting. This is also a

question that, when you talk to people from the Le Pen circles, they ask themselves. I mean, how French will it be, how strong will the protests against a potential Le Pen presidency be? On the other hand, they also seem

to be aware that they must act quickly and decisively if they want to be effective. But on the other hand, he remembers that there are two other interesting contexts. First, the second round of the elections will take place

on May 2nd, the day after May 1st. May 1st has traditionally been a day of large demonstrations by the French left in France for years. Trade unions, Melazonists, socialists, everyone will be out in the streets. The day before

the elections. Election silence, theoretically, right? Many fear this, too. Many criticized Macron on the right, of course, for choosing this date; he could have chosen an earlier one, but this way it will be a combination of that first, highly

symbolic May 1st. But there's another interesting context. Immediately after the presidential elections, parliamentary elections will likely be held, because in France, the president has the power to dissolve the National Assembly, their Sejm. And whoever wins will do this to ensure the current one

is severely fractured. And the new president traditionally has a chance to win a majority. He dissolved parliament in a similar manner right after Mitron's presidency in '81 and '88. So there's a strong precedent. It will definitely happen, almost certainly.

And then there are elections, probably in June. This means we have a few weeks of intense campaigning, where it will be decided whether Leen would have a majority in the assembly, of course, in a scenario where she wins. And then, of

course, Melonchon will also try to force his smaller partners to accept him as leader of the left-wing coalition, just as he did in '22 and '22, '24, to be accepted as part of that coalition, and even then he will

try to be officially recognized as leader. And then, of course, we'll have a few weeks during which various clashes will occur, possibly numerous, and then there's the question of whether Le Pen will decide, which is a possible scenario on the table, to hold

, for example, a referendum along with the parliamentary elections that would profoundly redefine migration policy. A few other interesting things also come to mind. Namely, in the '22 constitutional draft, we also have a redefinition of France's relationship with the European Union. Namely,

Sarkozi wrote in the constitution that France belongs to the European Union. In the '22 LEP Pen draft, we have France belonging to the European Union as part of its national interest and that the constitution stands above all EU norms. And then there we have,

enumeratively, that France, for example , has the right to complete sovereignty when it comes to migration policy and enshrines it in the constitution. All international agreements are lower than the French constitution, and so on, and so forth. And of course, this would

provoke, uh, if it were to submit it to a referendum, there are also internal disputes. Should they include a huge number of things in such a referendum text and hope it passes, and then they have a lot of room to maneuver, or

should they create a shorter text with fewer controversial elements, but a greater chance of definitely obtaining 50%. And one last interesting thing, which shows us how many variables there are here: the Constitutional Council, which has questioned in the past the

limits of the president's right to call a constitutional referendum, because there is a persistent dispute in France over the limits of Article 11 of the constitution. It states that the president has the right to call a referendum on matters important to the

state and public institutions. A few other minor points are also mentioned there. What is controversial? Because de Gold himself, in 1962, less than four years after becoming president and implementing the constitution, de facto violated this article, or rather

interpreted it very broadly, to include matters of constitutional amendment, as it is enumerated: public institutions, etc., and constitutional amendments have a separate Article 89, which requires the president to obtain parliamentary consent. But Le Pen was in a major crisis back then in 1962. It

was right after the assassination of De Goldol, and President Sen. The Senate President protested that it was unconstitutional. But De Gold, being De Gold, wielded authority, pushed through and gained significant public support.

At the time, the idea was to introduce direct, universal presidential elections, which many objected to, claiming it would be a form of dictatorship, as Ludwig Napoleon had introduced universal presidential elections and then become emperor. And Le Pen says:" Well, listen, de Gol

himself used this article regarding the constitution, and secondly, immigration is a social issue and it concerns public institutions, so I can. "And of course, many will say, for example, the previous president of the Constitutional Council, Lochon Fabius, said that he jumped to this position

straight from being the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Socialist government. It's funny at this point, speaking of the discussion in Poland about judicial independence, at this moment in time, in the French Constitutional Council, not one of the

nine members has not previously held some form of political office. We have, we have. The president is, the president is the former Marshal of the Sejm, to put it mildly, who, just a few months before his appointment as

president of the Constitutional Council , was simply a member of the board of Emmanuel Macron's party, and Emmanuel Macron appointed him president because that is the president's prerogative, in the absence of a parliamentary veto. We also have a former Prime Minister,

former MPs, a former senator, and so on . However, in the constitutional context, Fabius said at the time that Lepen wasn't a degol and shouldn't imagine she could freely interpret that article of the constitution. And the big question will be whether the

aforementioned Hach Feon, the former Speaker of the Sejm with the Manuel Macron nomenclature, if he becomes president of the Constitutional Council , will Lepen block such a referendum or not? Um, skipping this moment, or this, uh, fragment of our conversation, uh,

I'll quote Bogdan Dobosz from PC24. According to him, there was a poll that showed that 24%of French people expect a dictatorial government that will finally solve the country's problems, because experts say France has already reached such a level of social

destruction that one in four French people is ready to consider the creation of an authoritarian regime.

Let's leave politics aside. We're waiting for the presidential elections. That's in April of next year. At this point, I'd like to ask which face of France is the true one. The one we see now during these street protests, or

the one we saw at the end of September, when Pope Leo XIV visited France. We saw young people then, many young people in stadiums, praying on the streets, receiving Holy Communion. What about these faces of France?

Well, it's shown incredibly powerfully that France doesn't have a single face. I mean, there are—in my opinion, this is an excellent exemplification of what I call Zagerom Furket, another French researcher, the archipelagization of France. It's also true. I mean, there

are young French people who, like crazy , turned out—80,000 people—tickets sold out instantly to meet the Pope at the stadium, right? And they sang" Salver Regina "in Latin, and so on. On the other hand, and that's where the

truth rode in—Joanna Dark, Saint Louis, and so on. And on the other hand , we also have those who are participating in these riots at this very moment. And they live side by side , just as French society generally is,

they live side by side, but do they live together? Can we speak of one nation?

Do we have a chasm here? I think there isn't so much a chasm as there are many such moats dividing it. It seems there aren't two groups that can be so easily divided, but France as a society is

fragmented into precisely so many groups that differ politically, financially, geographically, ethnically , religiously—a kind of paratribe.

Yes, yes. That's the metaphor of islands, right, within the archipelago. But it's undoubtedly also worth noting where this meeting with the Pope took place in Słodynia, in this very symbolic place.

Okay. And there's a stadium there, right? The national stadium. And that was also very symbolic, wasn't it? Well, some people read it as some form of symbolic re-Christianization, that here, right, those, right, there's a national state that can accommodate

those 80,000 people, right? We also had similar symbolism at the Square of Concord, the place where, yes, executions took place during the revolution, where the king and queen were beheaded, and so on. The guillotine reigned supreme.

Yes. Yes. The guillotine reigned supreme. And now, right, there, right, a bloodless sacrifice during Holy Mass.

That's a very powerful symbolism, right ? And also 800,000, according to estimates, people attended that mass.

Very, well, the best result since World Youth Day in Paris in the late 1990s, when John Paul II also gathered almost a million people. So, undoubtedly, the contrast was striking, because back then, there was peace, there was no

riots, no violence, no throwing of explosives. And then it exploded, right ? And for a moment, there was hope that there would be peace, or perhaps a new hope, a rebirth, but then normality returned, one might say, an angry

normality. Are we witnessing a religious rebirth among Christians, among French Catholics? Can we say that secularized France is converting? I think we're a long way from that. We're seeing the first signs of such a rebirth, but we're still a long way

from that. We must remember that France , on the one hand, was historically a Catholic country, where this very identity, the eldest daughter of the Church, as John Paul II called it, was firmly established. But it was also a

country in which, certainly in which, an extremely strong anti-Catholic movement emerged, which, especially from the late 19th century onward, through such top-down state persecution of Catholics, led to the weakening of Catholicism in France, the Church, by pushing it out of schools, pushing it

out of public spaces, transforming our streets, confiscating our property, and so on. Churches were nationalized in 1905, and in modern times, especially since the 1960s, we've seen a relatively stable pattern until the 1960s. However, later on, there was a

significant decline. Just like in the number of baptisms, the number of priests, or the percentage of French people who consider themselves Catholics. However, even after World War II, 80%considered themselves Catholics. Today, that's a minority, with 46%considering themselves Catholics, according to one study from

the IFOP, unveiled by Furket. This is the institute I consider the best, as it has been operating since the 1930s.

It has a very long history and a strong reputation. Looking at it, we have another interesting statistic. In 1952, the IFO can demonstrate this continuity : 42%of French people went to confession at least once a year. Still a very, very high number, right?

Despite the secular state. Today, it's 8%. The number of baptisms, in turn, is official church data. In 1980, it was 513,000, now 186,000. And all this data shows a decline in the number of priests by 68%, and parishes by 72%. So

, in the last few decades, a very significant dechristianization has occurred. But what's happening, on the other hand, is in recent years. It's a gradual revival or rediscovery of Catholicism by some of those who have already grown up in this secularized

world. We've had a threefold increase in adult baptisms over the last 10 years, and this is the statistic that seems to me to resonate most strongly as an example of this rebirth of Catholicism in France. Indeed, true, a

threefold increase from 2026 to 2016. So, among these adults, the largest group is the youngest, right? A large number of those who are 1117 are also baptized as teenagers. We have initiatives like the Charras pilgrimage , which also brings together many, many

young people every year. We especially have the popularization of certain indulgences, we have this kind of lifestyle. We also have media in France that favors Catholicism despite the rest.

We also have the success of one of the last documentaries, fictionalized films about the Sacred Heart.

Yes, yes, yes. In Poland, too, I think it was even co-produced by Canal Plus. And since you're talking about Canal Plus, that's a very interesting thread.

Because, because Canal Plus has been owned for over a decade by a Catholic, Catholic billionaire Won Bolor, a man who comes from an old Breton family, who, despite being entrepreneurs, despite inheriting his family's fortune , when things weren't going so well,

revitalized the business. He became one of the richest men in France and, in his later years, began to become more involved socially and politically.

Among other things, he built the largest one of two, depending on the month. Either Senius, a news channel based on Canel Plus, is at the top, or BFMTV, a party with a more liberal profile—to simplify matters a bit,

like Republic ITFN24, right? And today, the French—well, Le Pen, the French right—is also in a different situation, because it has a television channel that favors it, which has a very large following.

There's a pluralism that didn't exist some time ago. Yes, yes, yes. This pluralism is clearly greater. And Boloret also funds various Catholic initiatives. For example, the feature film about the uprising, on Van Day, or this film, also true. Canal Plus, on Se News,

there's truth every week. The priest has his own program. There are sometimes quite regular broadcasts of Holy Masses on that channel. It's actually his. He finances some of them, or within the media he owns, because he also owns some weekly magazines.

There's truth, an interview with Cardinal Sarach, that kind of content, true. So it's there. He's not the only one, although he exists, although he's the wealthiest, but there are a few Catholics who have money and who try to

support these kinds of initiatives. And that's interesting. Because on the one hand, Catholics are obviously counting on it, and it's for them, it's for them something that...well, if I spoke with one...if I spoke with one Catholic friend involved in politics, not

strictly speaking, but behind the scenes, he said:" For me, the coming of Bolory is like the Messiah. "We didn't expect this to suddenly appear everywhere, right? We can publish our books and write whatever we want with a leading publishing house, right?

Because he also bought one of the major publishing houses. We can, right, publicly express our conservative Catholic views. However, on the other hand, it's also a fact that Catholics don't have their own, such Catholics, Catholics don't really have their own

political representation, because what about Marine Le Pen's Marosek's attitude toward Catholicism, toward Catholics, and Catholics toward Marine Le Pen? And here we come to a very complex issue, because Marine Le Pen, on such a general level, declares that

she is Catholic and has never lost her faith in God for even a moment. She also readily refers to the fact that when she was eight years old—this is certainly her fundamental life trauma, one of several, but probably the

greatest—she survived an assassination attempt when a bomb was placed on her father's house, or on her father's apartment, where she was sleeping: her father, mother, and three children. It's still unknown who did it , but she recalls that as an

eight-year-old, she woke up in the middle of the night, heard a bang, saw shards of glass on her bed, and started praying to the Blessed Virgin Mary, right? And then her older sister came, because she was the youngest. And right

? She started comforting her, and they prayed together. And then her father came, and it turned out his father was alive, right? She's capable of that sort of thing, she declares herself Catholic, and so on. On the other hand,

on these controversial political topics well rather what's her stance on abortion and euthanasia? Well, on abortion, well, it really fluctuated. I mean, politically, she's always been hostile to those strongly conservative or traditionalist circles that were always within the National

Front. She was hostile to them. They were hostile towards her because they truthfully perceived her as someone for whom these issues were unimportant, who treated it as a politically defeated issue, and she didn't champion it. As for abortion, she first declared, in

the past she was able to declare, that we should strive to reduce the number of abortions, that women couldn't have abortions, because he obviously wouldn't talk about killing a child for reasons of—as he phrased it— discomfort, right? For reasons of her

own comfort, so that she could have three children herself, right? So she's not here either, she's not here either, she can present herself as not being some kind of anti-family person, right?

Now she became a grandmother some time ago. However, she ultimately voted for adding it to the constitution—that was also amusing. She also muttered her opinion in that very hearing. She first declared, first declared support, then withdrew, saying she was against it,

and then finally voted in favor. So, clearly, there are issues, let's just say what's going on. She's in favor of including the so-called right to abortion in the French constitution.

And her party, at that time, a majority of its MPs voted in favor, with a minimal 46 out of 88. At that time, 11 MPs were against, and the rest abstained, so only one in eight were against. But there is also such a group

, but it's clearly a minority. On the other hand, we had the issue of euthanasia. Here, on the other hand, it was the other way around. She voted against euthanasia, and almost her entire party voted against it. A dozen

or so MPs, on the other hand, were in favor. Now, just recently, a few months ago, there was the issue of introducing euthanasia in France, which also sparked considerable controversy.

Generally, however, she prefers not to comment on such topics, leaving her MPs free to do so. However, on this particular topic of abortion, it was clear that there was an expectation not to speak out too strongly against it.

Although there are also individual cases, which often significantly disrupt personal relationships, because we also find, for example, in her immediate circle, a woman named Laet, who has, is an MP, a mother of five, a traditionalist Catholic. And on these

culturally Catholic issues, she always holds a Catholic stance. However, these are the types of people who are more on the inside, but who are in a distinct minority, but who assume that there is no one, no other significant party. And

of course, there are also the Natalias, who also have a conservative faction, right? However, let's say that those Catholics who, at the same time, on other topics, specifically immigration and sovereignty, also have a more right-wing stance—or should I say

right-wing, not sovereigntist, anti-immigration, nationalist—are generally united and constitute a minority conservative faction, but clearly a minority one. Although I said so, it's not like LEPEN actively supports all such issues. As I said, for example, the issue of abortion was

different than the issue of euthanasia. I'll quote a fragment of Wojciech Golonkis's article here, to the point. He cites a comment after Leo XIV's visit, a comment made by a Jew. I am Jewish, but I cry with emotion, seeing that there

are still Catholics in our country, that we can once again be a national community, capable of resisting the growing Islamization of the country. As a Jew, I don't share the same beliefs as Catholics, but our French national community, of course, has a Christian

identity that is resonating anew today. How do Jewish communities view Marine Le Pen? Very differently, right? In Marian Hemar's" The Square Root of Minus 1, " there was a devil figure who said that everything must simply be true, you

just have to add all the commandments, you just have to add them, it depends, and here too, it depends on these types of statements. Of course, the most famous, politically engaged Jew in France is Erik Zemur, about whom I

wrote my first book four years ago, when he first ran for president, and who is also a strongly national-conservative publicist who has adopted precisely the positions cited above. Generally, identifying very deeply with the fact that he—even though he is of Jewish descent from

Algeria, his grandparents came to France when Algeria was being taken over, one might say, by politically engaged Muslims, when it ceased to be part of France—well, he's actually a French nationalist, to be honest, who has also very strongly in recent years

shifted to this very affirmation of cultural Catholicism as a key part of identity. On the other hand, and we have this: he's not fake. There are figures like, for example, the quite well-known commentator, also of Jewish descent, Goldnael, who was also, well,

initially skeptical of Marine Le Pen— also because Marine Le Pen was initially distant from Israel—and even allegedly told her," True, you're pro-Arab and socialist, so what do I have in common with you, right? "But then Le Pen slightly adjusted her

Middle East policy, although she never moved in a strongly pro-Israel direction, but she also distanced herself from her earlier positions. And gradually, she began to be perceived by some Jewish circles, especially those on the more right-wing. There's a real

divide within French Jewish circles: between those with a more right-wing identity and who see Islam as a threat to themselves, and those with a more left-wing identity, who largely see French nationalism as a threat to themselves, and who, historically,

believe that Mr. and Mrs. Wishi, and then Marie Le Pen, Marine's father, were their biggest problems. A very characteristic figure, a completely different story than Zemur or Golden L.

Klachsfeld—I often mention it because it's so characteristic. A well-known man, a so-called Nazi hunter, a man for years, a descendant of Holocaust victims himself, involved as a progressive lawyer in Jewish circles, and speaking out in 2017, right? When

Le Pen was against Macron, he posted a photo of the Auschwitz concentration camp on his social media, right? And to make sure it couldn't happen again, we had to vote for Macron. However, seven years later, during the elections in

2024, he was asked," If in your district, in your district, there were candidates Marine Leep Pen and Jan Luka Melon, who would you vote for? "He said ," Of course, for candidate Le Pen, because nowadays, candidates are misleading; they are anti-Semites, they

are real anti-Semites. "And this type of attitude also happens, but France is also the European country from which the most Jews emigrate." In the submissiveness of Wellbeck that I mentioned, there is a characteristic scene when he talks to his, let's say,

friend of Jewish origin, who, in the face of this Islamization in the novel, wonders and says that if things get really bad, I'll go to Israel. And then he'll say, and then he'll say: "Well, then I thought, I don't have my Israel,

this is my country, I have nowhere else to be than France, right?" And there's a large group, even a French-language news channel opened some time ago in Israel for those Jews who are deciding to leave because they simply believe

there's no future for them in France due to the growing importance of politicians like Melusha and Islam.

However, of course, there are still many Jewish groups that Marine Lepen absolutely condemns, who consider her to be her father's daughter and who remember his statements and who also believe that her position on Israel or Jewish communities. Because today she's

telling the truth, that she's the barrier, that she's the shield for Jews , for whom the threat is Islamism.

Right? She won't say Islam, but Islamism. It's more inclusive, not to say that all Muslims are problems, but to say that those who are political are political are Islamists, right? And of course, there will be those who will

say that this is also true among Jews, right? Those who will say that it's all fake. Well, Gluksman will say that, right, that it's fake, that it's politically calculated. She wants to instrumentally find Jews who will support her, but in reality, she

doesn't care about them and is still, right, anti-Semitic. An era of chaos. Why is the world turning right? This is your latest book. Um, tell me, uh, what really unites France, Spain, Great Britain, Germany, and other Western countries? Are we

witnessing a process that is universal for all of Western Europe, and will this process appear in Poland anytime soon? Indeed, that's what my book is mainly about. For the last dozen or so years, we've had significant political destabilization, the largest

break with the duopoly. Yes. A break with the duopoly. Yes. In Germany, Great Britain, France, Spain, Italy, everywhere there are political divisions that have organized public life for decades. Every country.

It has its own specifics, of course. I'm devoting a separate chapter to each of these countries to show this, but we do have very, very far-reaching analogies. In Germany, for decades, the Hague and the Social Democrats alternated in power. They managed to

have over 80 percent of the vote together. And it's true that Angela Merkel, when she was chancellor, well, that's generally how it looked for a very long time. But the next elections are the end of Merkel's rule. And in

each subsequent election, the percentage of votes for these two main parties drops. In 2021, precisely when Merkel leaves, it falls below 50 percent. In the last few years, it's already 40 percent, and at this moment in 40 percent, and for the first time

since World War II, a party other than the Nazis or the Social Democrats has come in second place, of course, the AfD. At this point, in the polls, the HFD is already in first place, while the Hague and the Social Democrats

together have only around 30 percent, or 30-something, depending on the situation. from the poll.

So, the end of stability. And the era of chaos begins. Exactly. We're seeing the same thing in Great Britain. The Liberals and Conservatives also alternated in power, totally dominating. There was almost no room for the weaker parties. They had

more or less MPs there, but they almost never governed. Today, truth and reforms are paramount, and on top of that, the Greens are joining in, just like in Germany, on the other side, because within this alternative left, Linke and Sarah Wagen's movement have

joined. Knalon is probably less successful. We have Linke, but above all, we have Linke. In France, the same thing happened with socialists, egoists , who alternated in power for 60 years.

At this point, we have disintegration. We have Le Pen and Melon, first and foremost. And the center is deeply divided. And then there's Spain, where another early election is coming up.

Yes, the sixth election in 12 years. We are the ones who are An oasis of stability, an oasis of peace as Poland.

Yes. Compared to these countries, we are a relatively stable country, despite all our complaints about our politics. In this respect, Poland is peaceful. Very rarely in Poland, although the duopoly of showboating is also losing influence.

Yes. I mean, it seems to me that last year's presidential elections showed a foretaste of similar processes in Poland. Of course, there's the question of whether they will deepen, because nothing is set in stone. However, they did indeed demonstrate two important

things. Firstly, the combined percentage of votes for the candidates of the two largest parties was lower than before, only 60%combined for Trzaskowski and Wrocki. Secondly, the clear age differences, as is usually the case in other countries, are very

noticeable among the youngest, right? Mencen won there with 36%, and Zandberg in second place, and they together received over half of the young people's votes. And oh, one thing, Trzaskowski and Nawrocki were behind, and it's often similar in other

countries. That means that younger people, well, In Germany, in particular , this relationship is incredibly simple, strikingly simple, if you think about it. The younger the voters, the more likely they are to vote for alternative parties, and the less

likely they are to vote for the CDU and SPD, and the more it seems that these parties are simply declining. And finally, Spain, as you said, is a country going through a very interesting period, which also has regional separatism, for example, so

this is something completely abstract to us. Catalonia, yes, yes, yes. However, from the death of General Franco until 2015, there were generally single-party governments of one party or another, either the People's Party or the Socialists.

Yes, since the 1980s, because at the beginning it was still a bit turbulent, since the 1980s, it was already alternating between the People's Party and the Socialists. And since 2015, no one has had a majority in parliament.

Subsequent governments have been minority governments. They've become somewhat accustomed to this kind of governance. A provisional budget. For example, in Spain, since 2000, the last year for which a budget was approved was 2023. Their subsequent years, 2024, 2025, and 2026, operate on a

provisional basis, based on what was approved. Well, now that's true almost four years ago. It wasn't. Sanchez has been prime minister for eight years, but he's never had a majority. He won, and this is the third time he's decided

to dissolve parliament early, because he did it in 1919 and 2319. So he's already been able to defend himself twice, only to defend himself by winning a minority again, but long enough to reach an agreement with the separatists. And he also brought them

into government for the first time. The first coalition government was formed, the Sanchez government, into which he also brought in left-wing politicians to the left of the PSO, including, for example, the Communist Party and various smaller groups of the widely

remembered hard left or even the extreme left. In a sense, one can admire Prime Minister Sanchez's incredible ability to stay in power despite so many corruption scandals. I think this is a good time for us to ask a few questions from our viewers.

Monika Dębowska. Good evening. Do you think the situation taking place in France could happen in Poland? Can people take to the streets?

I think Poland is a country where we have a much weaker tradition of this type of street fighting, despite the sharp political divisions in Poland. We do have demonstrations, of course, yes, we have those, we've seen them. We do

have the Independence March every year, and we do have pro-abortion protests, but I don't think we're anywhere near that level of violence in public life in Poland, I hope. But I also think that in Poland, there are still fewer

ethnic tensions, right? In Poland, non-European immigration to Poland is constantly growing, and under previous and current governments, we're still following France's path. In this respect. But we are still, still very, very far behind. So the kinds of problems they have are only just

emerging here. Last year, we had the first significant anti-immigrant demonstrations. This year, we had two demonstrations in front of the offices for foreigners in Warsaw and Gdańsk, in turn, by immigrants who were considering faster application processing, but it's still very far

from what it is. That's another question in this vein. Akrim, do you think Poland will ever follow France's lead? We are also becoming less and less religious, and Islam will certainly try to grow here too. So, yes , I think it's absolutely possible. I

mean, in France, in the 1960s, when Muslim immigration began, it's worth emphasizing that the level of religiosity of French and Muslim immigrants was similar. However, since the 1960s, we have been observing a decline in the religiosity of French-European immigrants and an

increase in the religiosity of Muslims, what I call desecularization. And of course, in Poland, there has also been a gradual secularization over the last dozen or so years, at least, and also, we've also been observing an increase in immigration in the last dozen or so

years. Yes. Well, all politicians are theoretically against it, but in practice, more immigrants are being brought in. It was the same in France.

So, in my opinion, it's definitely possible. But of course, no, not in any very short term, right? But we had, for example, the famous issue of the so-called mosque in IBO and your Krakow , right? A few months ago, this type of

situation, or was there a similar one in Gdańsk, also in Katowice. Arkadiusz, can I visit Paris safely now as a tourist?

And it depends on which parts of Paris. I mean, you know, there's never 100% certainty. Yes, even under the Wi-Fi tower sometimes happens. There was a situation a few years ago where someone was stabbed to death under the Wi-Fi

tower. However, a tourist. But, well, the chances are, how? You're moving around these areas, so there's no need to get hysterical. I mean, if you're walking around this historic tourist center, the chances of being attacked are really low. However, it does happen

. So, you shouldn't venture into certain neighborhoods. It's better not to venture into certain neighborhoods and it's best to just walk in a group. Yes. Individuals, especially single women, have a greater chance of staying, that someone there, right, will want to rob them, for

example. So it's best to just go in a group and explore Paris in peace. I encourage you to do so. It's best to follow these established tourist routes and in a group.

Kutnino asks if Mr. Kita is the family of Waldemar Kita, the long-time owner of the...I sometimes get this question, but unfortunately, I don't. It would be very funny if I had such connections with someone involved in France, after

all, but unfortunately, I don't. Unless it's very distant, and I don't know about that. Will Marine Le Pen ask Piotr if she will be radical when she takes power, what are they threatening?

Her opponents? But will she turn out to be someone like Meloni in Italy, in Italy, and become a politician palatable to everyone?

I think something in between. I mean, I don't think Marine Le Pen will be as moderate as Meloni, because as president, she will have much stronger power than Meloni in Italy, both for economic and political reasons. Meloni in Italy has a long tradition of

governments falling. She herself participated as a minister in a government that was overthrown in very controversial circumstances in 2011, in Berlusconi's fourth government, and that was a fundamental trauma for the Italian right. On the other hand, Meloni also rules in a coalition

government, so she really—I also wrote a book about Meloni, if anyone's interested—went in a very technocratic direction. She tried to present herself as a good housewife who would manage the economy and so on.

Although there were some right-wing movements as well, but with varying degrees of success. Regardless, that's not the question. Marine Le Pen In my opinion, Le Pen will have to take further steps, but she will also want to provide some reassurance. She won't,

it won't be Trump, who wants to shock, who wants to flaunt his boldness. Marine Le Pen is, on the one hand, undoubtedly the heir to her family, her father, her political family, and she is aware of the need for a significant

redefinition of immigration policy, for example, and certainly when it comes to EU policy, there will be a desire for some serious redefinition. However, she will also want to provide some reassurance. She will make gestures to show that she is not, in fact, some

kind of radical. I think something in between. Something in between. Speaking of Marine Le Pen's potential victory, it is very likely. The question is about Polish-French relations. As she asks, will the French army help Poles when we have to fight

Russia? Will it be like during World War II? Will France's policy change after Marine Le Pen takes power towards Putin, towards Załeński? It will certainly change in the sense that Marine Le Pen will be less willing to spend money on Ukraine. And yet, at

this point, she declares that she wants to maintain military aid for Ukraine while simultaneously pressing for a diplomatic end to the war on terms that will allow Ukraine to survive as a sovereign state. This is, of course, quite wishful thinking, I think, that

it could be done this way. It's easy to criticize the opposition. I think Macron is the one for that. France ultimately has limited influence on this. However, in principle, she declares her willingness to maintain military aid for Ukraine while

simultaneously limiting financial aid, because she says that our budget situation is difficult, and when it comes to these issues, and she is certainly opposed to Ukraine's accession to the European Union, that's a topic. While on the issue of weapons

for Ukraine or financial aid, she has actually taken various positions throughout this war, and this, well, if it comes to something certain that it will be tough, it will be a veto on Ukraine's accession to the European Union, because of the interests of

French farmers. And when it comes to aid for us, because that is ultimately more important, well, Lepen. He certainly won't be someone who will be at the forefront of engagement against Russia, but there are declarations, yes , Bardela will remain in NATO. Bardela,

as a candidate for prime minister, also spoke clearly about, for example, he was asked more about the Baltic states than about Poland. So what if the Baltic states were attacked by Russia?

Well, he declared that France would remain a loyal ally. France has a military presence, partly in Estonia, and that France would be a loyal ally, however, of course, it wants to avoid conflict and is aware that Russia is a

nuclear powerhouse, so it doesn't want to start or engage in any unnecessary conflict. But as a rule, they—it's not theirs, theirs...Well, Marine Le Pen also deliberately, she came to Poland then, five years ago. Bardela was sent here on purpose a few months

ago to reassure, to show that they certainly don't...they don't want... they are aware of the burden of being perceived as Pro-Russian. And finally, of course, what the French military would do then, well, that's what we would really find out. But in principle

, for example, Le Pen supports increasing military spending. Speaking of the army, and the last question from our viewer. There was nothing about the army in the conversation. How does the army view the last decades of transformation in

France? Was there, or is there in the near future, the possibility of a military coup?

I don't think there will be a military coup. Of course, there was a letter a few years ago, even before the previous elections, the so-called generals' letter. I translated it myself at the time. It was one of the most widely

circulated texts on our portal on Nowy Ład, just as I translated Salczowski's generals 'letter into Polish. However, it is certainly the case that, first of all, there are no opinion polls that would provide us with hard data, but

what was this generals' letter about? It was about the deteriorating, deteriorating security situation in the context of immigration, in the context of so-called lost Territories where crime thrives, where drug trafficking thrives, where the state has no control . And if you talk to the French

military, there is certainly an overrepresentation of people with Catholic, conservative, right-wing, and nationalist views among them. On the other hand, it's a long tradition. One could go back to the 20th century. The French army has always had a rather

overrepresentation of the right wing, and there were often concerns. Well, we had two high-profile cases historically : in 1900, the so-called Fiszek affair, when the Minister of Defense from the left-wing government was conducting surveillance of officers, for example,

who attended Mass, so as not to promote them, to de-Catholicize the army. Then there were fears of a military coup.

And then there was the generals ' regiment in 1961 against Degol in the context of Algeria. Also, four generals with strongly right-wing views who did not accept the ceding of Algeria.

However, today, there is no I expect a military coup. I expect it because no one wants to do that in the end, because there's a lot of it. However, what I would expect is that there will be people in the military who will

support Le Pen when she becomes president, and she will send them a signal that she, so to speak, will be the one who wants to give them money.

She will look after their interests. She will look after their interests. Yes. And of course, the fundamental question is about the use, about whether the military should be used for , uh, those famous, right, difficult districts. Because when the military

goes somewhere, it's to kill, let's be honest. And also, well, that would be the absolute last resort. The first choice would probably be to use the police more forcefully for this, not the military. The military is, is the

absolute last resort. And finally, I'll quote the results of our survey, our courts. The question was: How will the riots in France end?

8%of the surveyed participants in our court stated that it was due to concessions in education, the fall of the Lekorn government (21%), and the cessation of protests (34%). The largest group is the one that claims there will be an even greater

escalation to other groups. What would your answer be? I don't expect the government to fall, as there are only a few months left until the elections, so this government will simply vegetate quietly for a few more months, because

the elections are in a few months anyway. However, nothing can be ruled out. Theoretically, there will be a budget issue, and it's possible that the government will fall because of the budget, and that, for example, the Socialists will vote to dismiss the

government this time due to what they perceive as police violence against the protesters. I wouldn't rule it out, but I don't think it's likely, because the Lepenists might also abstain and not vote for the government's dismissal, just to show respect for order at the

end. It doesn't cost the lowly, because there are elections in a few months anyway. They, however, aren't in favor of destabilization. I generally expect that this last answer means that these types of riots will recur periodically, last for some time—a few days, a week

, a little longer—and will be something that will hang over France. That when some controversial situation occurs, then such riots could break out again, just like we had with the rather trivial, though for many extremely important, matter of the Polish

People's Party winning the Champions League, right? And twice. There were riots then too, well, not to this extent, not that big, right? But there were riots, but there was also violence , looting, and so on, right? So, yeah,

this will be a problem, and this will be a challenge for whoever becomes the new president. Will it be Marine Le Pen , or maybe one of the centrist candidates will manage to sneak into the second round, and he would narrowly

beat Marine Le Pen. That's also a possible scenario, less likely, but possible, right? It might turn out that Edward Filip Fendem becomes president, right? Or Gluxman or Gabriel Lattal. Of course, if Melon becomes president, it would also be a challenge for him,

although I don't expect that. The elections in France are earlier than in Poland, because they will be in April and May, in Poland most likely in October, so we will of course be observing what happens in France. Thank

you very much for the conversation. My guest, the guest of Rymanowski Live, was Kacper Kita, a New Order publicist, author of that very book "Epoch of Chaos. Why the World Turns Right," Szapoba summing it up in French?

Fantastic knowledge and incredible, uh, style when it comes to telling the story of France. Congratulations to you , and I encourage you to read the books we mentioned. Thank you very much.

Thank you very much, I also recommend " Epoch of Chaos" and "Saga Rodua"( Product Saga). That's right.

And you? Of course, I invite you to comment on this conversation, recommend it, share it, like it, and, of course, subscribe to my channel. Thank you very much. Good night. For watching the episode. Thank you. Lancerto, partner of the Rymanowski Live channel.