Speaker A
Alexander Dugan is a 62-year-old Russian academic philosopher. He spent his life in Moscow. He was an anti-Soviet dissident as a young man, and now he is famous the world over in the English language press anyway as, quote, "Putin's brain." But he is not a political figure here in Russia. He is once again a philosopher, and his ideas are deeply offensive to some people. In August of 2022, his only daughter was murdered in Moscow when a car bomb killed her. US intelligence says she was murdered by the Ukrainian government, and we take that at face value. But what's interesting is that once again, Alexander Dugan is not a military leader. He's not a close daily adviser to Vladimir Putin. He is a writer who writes about big ideas, and for this, his books have been banned by the Biden administration in the United States. You cannot buy them on Amazon. Banning books in the United States because ideas inside are too dangerous. He's often described again in the English language press as far right. We'll let you assess, but we wanted to talk to him about some of his ideas, these ideas that are so dangerous that his only daughter was murdered over them and his books have been banned in the United States. And so we're happy to have him join us now. Mr. Dugan, thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you for inviting me, and welcome to Moscow, of course. Thank you. Um, so we were talking off camera. Actually, we were having a conversation that we were not going to film, just interested to meet you, but what you said was so interesting, um, that we got a couple of cameras and put this together. And my question to you is, what do you think is happening in the English language countries? And I said all of them: United States, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, Australia all at once decided to turn—seemed to turn against themselves, and you have this great turmoil, um, and some of the behavior seems very self-destructive. And where do you think, as an observer that comes from—so my—I could just, uh, suggest, uh, express my reading of that. Uh, it demands a little passion. So I think that, um, everything started with individualism. So individualism, uh, that was wrong understanding of the human nature, of the nature of man. When you identify, uh, individualism with the man, with the human, uh, nature, you cut all the relations to everything else. So you—you have very special idea of the subject, philosophical subject as individual. And everything started in the Anglo-Saxon world with Protestant Reform and with nominalism. Before that, nominalist attitude that there are no ideas, only things, only individual things. So individual—it was the key and is still key concept that was, uh, put in the center of liberal ideology. And liberalism, as, uh, in my reading, it is a kind of historical and cultural and political and philosophical process of liberation of individual of any kind of collective identity, collective or that transcend, uh, transcends, uh, individual. And that started with, uh, refuse of Catholic Church as collective identity, uh, of Empire, um, Western Empire as collective identity. Uh, after that, it was revolt against national state as collective identity in favor of purely civil society. After that, uh, that was—there was a big fight of the 20th century between, uh, liberalism, communism, and fascism, and liberalism has won once more. So, and after the fall of the Soviet Union, there was only liberalism. And Francis Fukuyama has pointed out correctly that no, there are no more any ideologies except of liberalism. And liberalism, that was, uh, liberation of this individual, uh, from any kind of collective identity. There were only two, uh, collective identities to liberate from: uh, gender identity, because it is collective identity. You are man or woman collectively, so you could not be, uh, so liberation from gender, and that has led to transgenders, to LGBT, and new form of sexual individualism. So IND sex is all something optional. And that was not just, uh, um, deviation of liberalism. That was necessary elements of implementation and the victor of this liberal ideology. And the last step that is not yet totally, totally made is liberation from human identity. Humanity optional. And when now we are choosing, or you in the West, you are choosing the sex you want as you want. And, uh, the last step in this process of, uh, liberalism implementation of liberalism will mean precisely the human optional. So you can choose your individual identity to be human, not to be human. That has a name: transhumanism, posthumanism, uh, singularity, artificial intelligence, uh, Klaus Schwab or Kurzweil or Harari, they openly declare that is inevitable future of humanity. So we arrive, uh, to the historical terminal station that we finally, five centuries, uh, ago, we—we have embarked in this train, and now we're arriving at the last station. So that is my reading. And when, uh, all the elements, all the phases of that, you cut the tradition with the past. So you are no more Protestant, you are secular atheist materialist. You are no more national state that served to liberate from Empire. And now, uh, national state comes, um, at its turn obstacle. You are liberating from national state, uh, finally family is destroyed in favor of this individualism. And the last things, the sex, that is already almost overcome, sex optional. And in gender politics, there is only one step to to arrive to, uh, to the end of this process of liberation of liberalism, that is the abandoned human identity as something prescribed. So to be free from, to be human, to, to, to have the possibility to choose to be or not to be human. And that is the agenda, political ideological agenda of over the tomorrow. That is why, too, how I see Anglo-Saxon worlds that you have asked of. I think that is just the, uh, avant-garde, vanguard of for that's process, because that started with Anglo-Saxons, imperial empiricism, nominalism, Protestantism, and now you are ahead as, um, Anglo-Saxon more devoted to liberalism than any other Europe being. So you're—I what you're describing is clearly happening, and it's horrifying, but it's not the definition of liberalism I have in mind when I describe myself as, what we say in the United States, as a classical liberal. So you think of liberalism as individual freedom and choice from slavery, right? So the options, as we conceive them, as I was growing up, were the individual who can follow his conscience, say what he thinks, defend himself against the state versus the statism, the totalitarianism embodied in the government that you fought against, the Soviet government. How—and I think most Americans think of it that way. How what's the difference? Very interesting question. Uh, I think that is pro—the problem is in two definitions of liberalism. There is old liberalism, classical liberalism, yes, and new liberalism. So classical liberalism was in favor of democracy, democracy understood as the power of majority, of consensus, of individual freedom that should be combined somehow with the freedom of other. And now we—we have totally, uh, the next station already, next, next phase, new liberalism. Uh, now it is not about the rule of majority, but it is about the rule of minorities. It is not about individual freedom, but it is about wokism. So you should be so individualistic that you should, uh, criticize not only the state but an individual, uh, the old understanding of individual. So you need now—you—you are invited to liberate yourself from individuality to go further in that direction. So, uh, I—I have spoken with once with Fukuyama, Francis Fukuyama, on TV, and he has said before democracy, uh, has meant the rule of majority, and now it is about the rule of minorities against majority because majority could choose Hitler or Putin. So we need to be very careful with majority, and majority should be taken under control, and minorities should, uh, rule over majority. Majority, it is not democracy, is already totalitarianism. And now we are not about, uh, defense of the individual freedom but about prescription to be, to be, uh, to be modern, to be progre—