Speaker A
Ursula, thank you for that presentation.
UK PM Keir Starmer outlines the need for stronger UK-Europe defense cooperation and NATO unity at the Munich Security Conference.
Key Takeaways
- The UK and Europe must strengthen defense cooperation to counter Russian threats.
- NATO remains central to European security, with the UK fully committed to collective defense.
- European countries need to increase defense spending and coordination, sharing burdens with the US.
- Building a shared defense industrial base and technological innovation is critical for future security.
- A united Europe-UK partnership is essential for maintaining peace, prosperity, and strategic stability.
Summary
- Keir Starmer emphasizes the urgency of addressing Russia's aggression and rearmament amid the Ukraine conflict.
- He calls for building hard power to deter aggression and readiness to defend UK and European values.
- Starmer stresses the importance of a stronger, more integrated Europe and a more European NATO.
- He highlights the indispensable role of the US while advocating for Europe to take primary responsibility for its defense.
- Starmer promotes a vision of European security based on interdependence rather than US withdrawal.
- He reaffirms the UK's commitment to NATO, including Article 5 mutual defense obligations.
- The UK is enhancing nuclear cooperation with France to strengthen collective deterrence.
- Starmer advocates for deeper UK-EU cooperation in defense, technology, and industrial base development.
- He notes the UK's significant role in Europe's defense industry and regional economic initiatives like defense growth deals.
- The speech calls for leadership and coordination among European countries and allies to meet current security challenges.
Full Transcript — Download SRT & Markdown
Speaker A
It's always a real pleasure to follow you on this stage.
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As we work ever more closely together.
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Ladies and gentlemen.
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For many years, for most people in the United Kingdom, war has been remote.
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Something that concerns us deeply, but which happens far away.
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But now, we feel the solidity of peace, the very ground that we stand on.
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Softening under our feet.
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It is the job of leaders to be ahead of these seismic shifts.
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Yet that is against the grain of history.
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Time and again, leaders have looked the other way.
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Only rearming when disaster is upon them.
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This time must be different.
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Because all of the warning signs are there.
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Russia has proved its appetite for aggression.
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Bringing terrible suffering to Ukrainian people.
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Its hybrid threats extend across our continent.
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Not just threatening our security.
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But tearing at our social contract.
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Collaborating with populists who undermine our values.
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Using disinformation to sow division.
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Using cyber attacks and sabotage to disrupt our lives.
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And deepening the cost of living crisis.
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It's true that Russia has made a huge strategic blunder in Ukraine.
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And that Russian casualties number.
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Well over a million.
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But even as the war goes on.
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Russia is rearming, reconstituting their armed forces.
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And industrial base.
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NATO has warned that Russia could be ready to use military force against the alliance.
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By the end of this decade.
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In the event of a peace deal in Ukraine, which we're all working hard to achieve.
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Russia's rearmament would only accelerate.
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The wider danger for Europe.
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Would not end there.
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It would increase.
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So we must answer this threat in full.
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At the outset, it is important to be clear.
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We do not seek conflict.
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Our objective is lasting peace.
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A return to strategic stability and the rule of law.
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But in the face of these threats.
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There is only one viable option before us.
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Now, to break the convention of a thousand speeches.
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We are not at a crossroads today.
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The road ahead is straight and it is clear.
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We must build our hard power.
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Because that is the currency of the age.
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We must be able to deter aggression.
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And yes, if necessary, we must be ready to fight.
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To do whatever it takes to protect our people, our values.
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And our way of life.
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And as Europe, we must stand on our own two feet.
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Now that means being bolder.
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It means putting away petty politics and short-term concerns.
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It means acting together.
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To build a stronger Europe and a more European NATO.
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Underpinned by deeper links between the UK and the EU.
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Across defense, industry, tech, politics.
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And the wider economy.
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Because these are the foundations on which our security and prosperity will rest.
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This is how we'll build a better future for our continent.
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True to the vibrant, free and diverse societies that we represent.
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Showing that people who look different to each other.
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Can live peacefully together.
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That this isn't against the tenor of our times.
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Rather, it's what makes us strong as we're prepared to defend it.
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With everything that we have.
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Now we are not the Britain of the Brexit years anymore.
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Because we know.
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And that is because we know that in a dangerous world.
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We would not take control by turning inward.
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We would surrender it.
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And I won't let that happen.
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That's why I devote time as Prime Minister to Britain's leadership on the world stage.
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And that's why I'm here today.
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Because I am clear, there is no British security without Europe.
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And no European security without Britain.
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That is the lesson of history.
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And is today's reality as well.
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So together, we must rise to this moment.
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We must spend more, deliver more and coordinate more.
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And crucially, we must do this with the United States.
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The US remains an indispensable ally.
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Its contribution to European security over 80 years is unparalleled.
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And so is our gratitude.
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At the same time.
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We recognize that things are changing.
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The US National Security strategy spells out that Europe must take.
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Primary responsibility for its own defense.
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That is the new normal.
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Now there've been a series of thoughtful interventions about what this means.
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Including the argument that we're at a moment of rupture.
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Now I would agree that the world has changed fundamentally.
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And that we must find new ways.
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To uphold our values and the rule of law.
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But in responding to that change.
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We must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last 80 years.
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That could prove to be a moment of destruction.
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But instead, I believe we must make this a moment of creation.
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Instead of a moment of rupture.
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We must make it one of radical renewal.
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So rather than pretending that we can simply replace all US capabilities.
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We should focus on diversifying and decreasing some dependencies.
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We should deliver generational investments.
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That moves us from overdependence to interdependence.
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I'm talking about a vision of European security and greater European autonomy.
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That does not herald US withdrawal.
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But answers the call for more burden sharing in full.
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And remakes the ties that have served us so well.
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Because we know the value of what we have.
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The NATO alliance is a phenomenon in human history.
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It achieved something that leaders had been trying to do for centuries.
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From Westphalia to the Congress of Vienna to Versailles.
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After centuries of conflict, the founders of NATO.
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Finally united our continent in peace and security.
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Our militaries that once faced each other on the battlefield.
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Now stand side by side, pledged to each other's defense.
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It is the shield over our heads.
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Every single day.
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Now whilst some on the extremes of our politics chip away at this alliance.
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We defend it.
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I am proud that my party fought for NATO's creation.
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What our then Foreign Secretary Ernie Bevin called a spiritual union of the West.
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And we've shown our fidelity to that ideal.
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Asserting each other's sovereignty.
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As we did on Greenland.
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And crucially, coming to each other's aid under Article 5.
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We fought together in Afghanistan.
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At terrible cost to many in my country and across many allied countries.
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And so I say to all NATO members.
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Our commitment to Article 5 is as profound now as ever.
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And be in no doubt.
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If called on, the UK would come to your aid today.
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That is also why we're enhancing our nuclear cooperation with France.
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For decades, the United Kingdom has been the only nuclear power in Europe.
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To commit its deterrent to protect all NATO members.
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But now any adversary must know.
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That in a crisis, they could be confronted by our combined strength.
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It shows beyond doubt how vital it is that we work together.
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So we must also look at what more we can do with the EU.
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We must go beyond the historic steps that we took at last year's UK-EU summit.
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To build the formidable productive power and innovative strength that we need.
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British companies already account for over a quarter of the continent's defense industrial base.
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They are job creating.
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Community building machine.
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Employing around 239,000 people across the United Kingdom.
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Including in Wales, where this month we're launching the first of five regional defense growth deals.
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We want to bring our leadership in defense, tech and AI.
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Together with Europe to multiply our strengths and build a shared industrial base across our continent.
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Which can turbocharge our defense production.
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And that requires leadership.
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To drive greater coherence and coordination across Europe.
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That is what we're doing with Germany and France in the E3.
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Working closely with EU partners, particularly Italy and Poland.
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As well as with Norway, Canada and Turkey.
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So my message today is the United Kingdom is ready.
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We see the imperative.
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We see the urgency.
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We want to work together.
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To lead a generational shift in defense industrial cooperation.
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Now this includes looking again.
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At closer economic alignment.
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We are already aligned with the single market in some areas.
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To drive down the prices of food and energy.
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We are trusted partners.
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And as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said this week.
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Deeper economic integration is in all of our interests.
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So we must look at where we could move closer to the single market in other sectors as well.
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Where that would work for both sides.
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The prize here is greater security.
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Stronger growth for the United Kingdom and the EU.
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Which will fuel increased defense spending.
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And the chance to place the UK at the center of a wave of European industrial renewal.
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I understand the politics very well.
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It will mean trade-offs.
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But the status quo is not fit for purpose.
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And to me.
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And to me there's no question where the national interest lies.
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And I will always fight for what's best for my country.
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I started today about talking about avoiding the mistakes of the past.
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Like delaying action.
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Or fragmenting our efforts.
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But there's something else.
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In the 1930s, leaders were too slow to level with the public.
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About the fundamental shift in mindset that was required.
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So we must work harder today to build consent.
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For the decisions we must take to keep us safe.
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Because.
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If we don't, the peddlers of easy answers are ready.
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On the extremes of left and right.
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And they will offer their solutions instead.
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It's striking that the different ends of the spectrum share so much.
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Soft on Russia.
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Weak on NATO.
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If not outright opposed.
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And determined to sacrifice the relationship we need on the altar of their ideology.
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The future they offer is one of division.
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And then capitulation.
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The lamps would go out across Europe once again.
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But we will not let that happen.
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If we believe in our values, in democracy, liberty and the rule of law.
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This is the moment to stand up and to fight for them.
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That is why we must work together and show that by taking responsibility for our own security.
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We will help our people look forward, not with fear.
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But with determination and with hope.
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Thank you very much.
Speaker B
Very clearly spelled.
Speaker C
Prime Minister, President.
Speaker C
Welcome.
Speaker C
Thank you for those addresses.
Speaker C
Clearly a call to arms.
Speaker C
And we can discuss a little bit.
Speaker C
But first I want to ask you, there were a couple of applause lines for Secretary of State Mark Rubio.
Speaker C
Marco Rubio, he said, it's neither our wish nor our goal to destroy the transatlantic alliance.
Speaker C
So I want to know whether you feel convinced by that.
Speaker C
Whether you feel that the feathers are being, you know, unruffled after last year's broadside.
Speaker C
Which was exactly the opposite from the American speaker, Vice President J.D Vance.
Speaker D
So, um, I was.
Speaker D
Very much reassured by the speech of the Secretary of State.
Speaker D
We know him.
Speaker D
Um, he's a good friend.
Speaker D
A strong ally.
Speaker D
Um, indeed this and this was for me very reassuring to listen to him.
Speaker D
Um, we know that in the administration some have a harsher tone.
Speaker D
On these topics.
Speaker D
But um, the Secretary of State was very clear.
Speaker D
He said.
Speaker D
We want a strong Europe in the alliance.
Speaker D
And this is what we are working for intensely in the European Union.
Speaker D
We have to be an independent Europe.
Speaker D
Not a Europe that is leaning on someone.
Speaker D
But a Europe that is going forward with friends and allies.
Speaker D
Together facing the challenges that are out there.
Speaker D
And therefore strong Europe, I completely align with the Secretary of State.
Speaker D
What that is concerned.
Speaker D
But we have to build it.
Speaker D
We have to work for it.
Speaker D
A strong and independent Europe to be then a strong ally in NATO.
Speaker D
Because NATO is consistent then um.
Speaker D
Of the our friends and allies indeed.
Speaker D
But uh it was also your message.
Speaker D
We want a strong Europe.
Speaker D
And uh this is I think the the the message of today.
Speaker D
Um which reflected and yeah.
Speaker D
Um was echoed very much in the speech of the Secretary of State.
Speaker C
I thought the Secretary of State's speech was.
Speaker C
Um consistent with the argument that Ursula made in her remarks a moment ago.
Speaker C
And the argument I'm making.
Speaker C
I think it's really clear though that we shouldn't get in the warm bath of complacency and think that therefore all we're really doing is reasserting.
Speaker C
Um the continuation of what we've had for the last 80 years, that would be a mistake.
Speaker C
And it'd be a particular mistake for Europe because my strong view is that Europe hasn't done enough.
Speaker C
In its own defense and security for many years.
Speaker C
And the conflict in Ukraine has flashed that out.
Speaker C
Uh shown it to be the reality.
Speaker C
And it falls to us as leaders to recognize that, to change and strengthen Europe.
Speaker C
Which is what I'm arguing for.
Speaker C
What Ursula is arguing for.
Speaker C
And um not just say that, but follow it with actions.
Speaker C
And Ursula has taken the lead on this.
Speaker C
Um in the work that she's done particularly on the funding of the.
Speaker C
Uh defense work that needs to be done.
Speaker C
Um because we will only be able to preserve NATO in the way it is needed for the next 80 years.
Speaker C
If we change and strengthen the European dimension.
Speaker C
That is something which a number of American presidents have said for some time.
Speaker C
I believe to be true.
Speaker C
And I think we've got to seize this movement to move forward.
Speaker C
Not to pull apart the transatlantic relationship, but to make sure it works.
Speaker C
In the circumstances and the times that we face.
Speaker C
Now I know you want to embrace the United States.
Speaker C
You talked about not overly depending, but not also rejecting the US.
Speaker C
But you know that the Munich Security Conference doctrine before this conference began talked about an era of demolition politics.
Speaker C
Demolition men, the politics of destruction, etcetera.
Speaker C
Including referencing the President of the United States.
Speaker C
A very key American, former Republican, he calls himself, analyst has said.
Speaker C
That America is under Trump is playing a role of a hostile and probably possibly predatory power as well.
Speaker C
So Europe is caught between a predatory Russia and a potentially predatory United States.
Speaker C
Have you internalized that?
Speaker C
And is that where you are right now in terms of these fighting words that you've just delivered?
Speaker C
About pretty much total independence.
Speaker C
Do you believe that you are between two predatory powers?
Speaker D
There are more threats.
Speaker D
First of all, I would not never never align Russia with the United States.
Speaker D
Completely different theaters.
Speaker C
These are not my words.
Speaker C
These were an analyst.
Speaker D
Yeah, okay.
Speaker D
The analyst, so I would not at all confirm with this analyst that there is any.
Speaker D
Um equidistance between uh Russia and the United States, very clearly.
Speaker D
But if but of course.
Speaker D
The European Union is challenged with superpowers.
Speaker D
That are out-reaching much more than they used to.
Speaker D
And many other threats.
Speaker D
Um and Russia is a real threat to us.
Speaker D
Without any question.
Speaker D
So this is the reason why we have to strengthen our own defense posture.
Speaker D
Why we have to look into the possibilities that we have, for example, with the Article 42.7.
Speaker D
While we have to develop our defense industrial base.
Speaker D
Um so independence is action also to be stronger.
Speaker D
This also is on the economic side, very clearly diversifying with like-minded partners.
Speaker D
The trade agreement we did with India.
Speaker D
The trade agreement we have with Mercosur.
Speaker D
So the Latin American countries.
Speaker D
Mexico.
Speaker D
All this is within a strategy to be more independent, more stronger.
Speaker D
And independent means to stand up, develop your own strengths without constantly leaning on someone else.
Speaker D
And then being strong, moving forward and facing the challenges the world is offering to us.
Speaker D
This is what I want to tell my friend Mark Rutte.
Speaker C
Prime Minister.
Speaker C
In terms of, you know, President von der Leyen talked about the digital space.
Speaker C
That is a red line that cannot be, you know, messed around with.
Speaker C
What about the violating international borders space?
Speaker C
Do you believe the US threat to Greenland is over?
Speaker C
That was a red line for you, you all it all seemed to stiffen all of your collective spines.
Speaker C
And you got kind of moving on it.
Speaker C
Do you think the threat is over?
Speaker A
Uh well, I think that firstly, I'm very pleased that that is now in a process of dialogue.
Speaker A
Um which is where it should have been.
Speaker A
The security in the Arctic is really important for all of us.
Speaker A
And um we need to do more.
Speaker A
That's why I announced what I announced about the carrier strike group.
Speaker A
I thought that those weeks of Greenland were quite instructive because we had.
Speaker A
Certainly from the British point of view, the usual mix of common sense, pragmatism, but sticking to our values and principles.
Speaker A
And across Europe, we stuck to those values and principles about sovereignty.
Speaker A
And why sovereignty matters.
Speaker A
And um it was a period in which there was intense collaboration.
Speaker A
And discussion amongst European leaders as to how we would approach the.
Speaker A
Um the issue.
Speaker A
And I was very pleased that we did it in the way that we did.
Speaker A
As I say, a mix as ever with the Brits.
Speaker A
Of pragmatism and common sense.
Speaker A
But with saying these are the lines, these are our principles, these are our values.
Speaker A
And that requires us to be absolutely clear about the question of sovereignty.
Speaker A
And and now it is in a process of discussion and dialogue.
Speaker A
Focused in my view where it should be, which is on security.
Speaker A
Um in the Arctic, which is a pressing issue and an issue where we all need to do more.
Speaker C
About Ukraine.
Speaker C
Because again, Marco Rubio, the Secretary of State barely mentioned it.
Speaker C
Except for an elusive peace.
Speaker C
He said those words.
Speaker C
Now President Trump has said in his latest comments that Ukraine, President Zelensky.
Speaker C
Needs to get onto it because Russia wants a deal, these are his words, and President Zelensky needs to get onto it right now.
Speaker C
Otherwise he's going to miss a great opportunity.
Speaker C
Secretary Rubio did not go to your meeting.
Speaker C
Your leaders meeting with President Zelensky last night.
Speaker C
Where do you think this all stands?
Speaker C
Where do the negotiations stand?
Speaker C
Is it is it Zelensky who needs to be pressured?
Speaker D
So, um, I think it's extremely important.
Speaker D
That we do not buy in the Russian narrative.
Speaker D
And this has been out too much there.
Speaker D
I mean, if we look at um the strategic goals.
Speaker D
And the military goals of Putin.
Speaker D
It's a huge failure.
Speaker D
He wanted to Russify Ukraine.
Speaker D
Ukraine has become European.
Speaker D
He wanted to stop NATO.
Speaker D
NATO has been has gotten bigger with Sweden and Finland.
Speaker D
He wanted to occupy Ukraine within days or weeks.
Speaker D
Well, now we are unfortunately in the fourth year of the war.
Speaker D
And I think it is so important that we on our side tell the truth.
Speaker D
What is going on in Russia.
Speaker D
With a war economy, with skyrocketing interest rates and inflation.
Speaker D
Completely isolated.
Speaker D
And now this is a war of attrition.
Speaker D
And in this war of attrition, it is of utmost importance that we push forward.
Speaker D
The negotiations and put pressure on Putin that he finally comes to the negotiation table.
Speaker D
And therefore it was so valuable that we have developed together the security guarantees.
Speaker D
The prosperity paper.
Speaker D
And are discussing the 20 point plan.
Speaker D
Because it is of utmost importance that Ukraine, the European Union and the United States are on one side.
Speaker D
Of the page.
Speaker D
That we are very clear what our standpoint is.
Speaker D
This has very much matured.
Speaker D
And now it's a matter of putting pressure on Putin.
Speaker D
That he finally comes to the negotiation table.
Topics:Keir StarmerMunich Security ConferenceUK defenseEurope securityNATORussia Ukraine conflictEuropean defense cooperationUS-UK relationsNuclear deterrenceDefense industry
